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Showing posts with label Nachmanides. Show all posts
Showing posts with label Nachmanides. Show all posts

Saturday, 26 November 2022

407) Nachmanides vs Rashi on the authority of Tradition

Nachmanides' commentary on the Torah

Introduction

This article, based extensively on the research by Professor Shalem Yahalom,[1] discusses the differences in interpretative style between Nachmanides (or Ramban, 1194-1270) and Rashi (1040-1105). Rashi was prepared to cite Midrashim and use them verbatim because he considered Tradition as sufficient proof of authenticity. Nachmanides, however, disputed such a claim and instead went out of his way, sometimes quite creatively, to show textual proof or bring arguments as a means of establishing authority. In his Torah commentary, Nachmanides does not merely repeat earlier exegetical (interpretative) traditions, as Rashi does with his reliance on Midrash, but rather:

“asserts the importance of analyzing all information critically” (Yahalom 2020:207).

Nachmanides begins his Torah commentary full of praise and respect for Rashi:

“In his words will I meditate, and in their love will I ravish…”

Sunday, 30 January 2022

369) Menachem Tziyoni’s kabbalistic writings on demonology

 

Sefer Tziyoni, Korets, 1785.

 Introduction

This article, following the theme of the previous post, further pursues the notion of demonology within Kabbalistic theology. I have drawn extensively upon the research by Professor Boaz Huss[1], a leading contemporary scholar in Kabbalah. This brief study will show just how far into the occult the mystical tradition is sometimes prepared to go.

Sunday, 23 January 2022

368) Ramban and his surprising references to ‘necromancy’

 

Ramban's Commentary on the Torah form an edition printed in Lisbon in 1489
(Marsh's Library Exhibits, accessed January 23, 2022, https://www.marshlibrary.ie/digi/items/show/528)
 

Introduction

Ramban (Nachmanides 1194-1270), known as the ‘father’ of Kabbalah, was a Spanish born rabbi from Girona, whose Catalan name was Bonastruc ça Porta (Mazal tov at the gate). This article, based extensively on the research by Professor Reimund Leicht[1] from the Hebrew University of Jerusalem, as well as Professor Dov Schwartz[2] from Bar Ilan University, deals with Ramban’s unusual usage of the word נגרמונסיא, or ‘necromancy’, which occurs four times[3] in his Commentary on the Torah. “Necromancy” is defined as “the act of communication with the dead in order to discover what is going to happen in the future”.[4] Although Ramban does not necessarily follow this exact technical definition of the term, he has some very interesting views on magic, idolatry, demons and astrology.

Sunday, 13 December 2020

305) THE EARLIEST VIEWS ON THE ORIGINS OF KABBALAH:

 

First edition of R. Menachem Recanati's commentary on the Torah (Venice, 1523)


INTRODUCTION:

We have previously looked at the origins of the Zohar, one of (modern[1]) Kabbalah’s foundational works, which first emerged around 1290.  The traditional view is that it was authored by R. Shimon bar Yochai, a second-century Tannaic sage; whereas historical evidence, as well as some rabbinic sources, point to its author being R. Moshe de León (1240-1305). The latter claimed to have found the writings of R. Shimon bar Yochai from a thousand years earlier and simply published[2] them in the Zohar. Either way, the Zohar only surfaced at around 1290.

This article, based extensively on the research of Professor Oded Yisraeli[3] explores how three of the earliest mystics explained the origins of the Kabbalah in general.

Yisraeli takes an interesting tack because instead of relying on later scholarship, he focuses on early contemporaneous mystical sources which attempt to explain the origins of Kabbalah to other mystics. His research led him to uncover three primary yet divergent views on when and where Kabbalah originated.

Sunday, 17 May 2020

276) MAGICAL PAPYRI TEXTS AND EARLY JEWISH MYSTICISM:

A Greek magical papyrus text.

- A SHARED MAGICAL TRADITION -

INTRODUCTION:

In this article, we will explore some ancient non-Jewish (pagan) papyrus magical texts which are, surprisingly, interwoven with early rabbinical magic themes. We will see how some obscure magical spells in these pagan papyri texts – ironically – can only be understood through a knowledge of corresponding themes in early Jewish mystical[1] literature.

I have drawn from Rabbi Professor Daniel Sperber[2] who is a Talmud professor at Bar Ilan University, who gives us a window into the 3rd-century world of Jewish mysticism.

PAGAN INFLUENCE ON EARLY JEWISH MYSTICAL LITERATURE:

A number of Greek, Coptic and Gnostic papyrus texts dealing with magical charms and incantations have been discovered. The interesting thing about this discovery is that Jewish names and rabbinic themes were interwoven with pagan names and themes - as if a common magical culture existed.

Sperber writes:

“One of the outstanding features of this material is the welter of Jewish and pagan names which are used almost interchangeably, indicating the degree to which Jews and pagans were profoundly influencing one another...

[Furthermore] elements of Hellenistic magical lore penetrated the Jewish world, leaving their traces in Rabbinic literature, most especially in the early Jewish mystical literature.”

This interwovenness, according to Sperber, is so profound that clearer pagan texts can sometimes explain difficult and unclear rabbinic mystical texts – as can these rabbinic texts elaborate on obscure pagan texts. This leads one to the conclusion that Jews and non-Jews shared the same cultural magic and mystical tradition. 

Not only did they apparently share mystical traditions but Sperber even maintains he may have uncovered some 'lost' rabbinic writings scattered within these pagan texts! We will analyse two such examples in Part 1 and 2 which follow.

PART 1:

INTERCONNECTEDNESS BETWEEN RABBINIC TEXTS AND POPULAR MAGICAL TEXTS:

Here is one example of how an existing rabbinic text can shed light on one of these difficult popular magical texts dealing with various spells. In the collection of papyri housed in the Paris Library[3] there is a spell which reads:

“For I adjure thee by him that revealed the hundred and forty tongues and divided them by his command.”

Secular scholars were at a loss to explain this text. 

They assumed it referred to 140 languages which were somehow divided by G-d’s command. They assumed, based on a reading of Genesis Ch. 10, that after the flood, the generation of Noah’s descendants numbered seventy and spoke seventy languages becoming the 'Seventy Nations of the World'. But why not just say 70 instead of 140 being divided by 2?

Fascinatingly, there is a rabbinic text which can explain this obscure papyrus text. A rabbinic textual tradition in the Sifre[4], dating back to the second century CE, maintains that there were 140 nations of the world (not 70 as commonly understood)!

This Sifre is later discussed in Shir haShirim Rabba[5]:

“Seventy of them [i.e., the nations of the world] know their paternal ancestry but not their maternal ancestry, and seventy of them know their maternal ancestry but not their paternal ancestry...”

This is why 140 is divided by 2 to make 70. Evidently, the Shir haShirim Rabba text is an attempt at reconciling the common understanding that there are 70 nations of the world with the earlier Sifre claiming that there are 140.

A LOST RABBINIC TEXT?

Sperber suggests that this Paris text may, in fact, be a lost rabbinic text:

“It would appear that our passage from the Paris papyrus is based upon a (lost) homily which similarly grappled with the apparent contradiction between the two sets of numbers.”

Amazingly, this papyrus text seems to be dealing with exactly the same problem as, and presents the same solution to, that expressed in the Shir haShirim Rabba.

If this text is indeed a lost piece of rabbinic magical tradition, it is interesting that it comfortably formed part of the general pagan magical literature. This shows just how interconnected some of these early Jewish and non-Jewish magical texts were. There does appear to have been a common mystical tradition or certainly one which overlapped in multiple areas.

PART 2:

ANOTHER LOST MIDRASH?

Following similar patterns, Sperber continues with the suggestion that we can trace another lost rabbinic statement, in another spell mentioned in the Paris texts.

THE ‘SEAL’ ON THE TONGUE:

The same section of our magical papyrus text contains the following spell which also confounded the scholars:

“For I adjure thee by the seal which Solomon laid upon the tongue of Jeremiah and he spake.”

One scholar, Adolf Deissmann (d. 1937), a German Protestant theologian who specialized in the ancient Greek language writes:

“I do not know what this refers to. The tradition is probably connected with the LXX Jer. 1:6-10."[6]

[The LXX is a reference to the Septuagint, which means ‘seventy’ or in Roman numerals LXX, after the 70 (or 72) scholars who translated the Torah into Greek.]

Sperber explains that it does indeed correspond to a reference in the Book of Jeremiah (although not to the Septuagint version[7]). The reference is to the prophet Jeremiah’s inauguration into the world of prophecy, where a ‘seal’ of some sort was placed on his tongue.

According to rabbinic tradition, this ‘seal’ or 'signet ring' alludes to the renowned ‘seal of Solomon’[9] which is alleged to have had the power to produce prophetic oracles.

Sperber writes:

“If our reconstruction be correct, we have here the traces of a lost Midrash...”

Sperber, interestingly, goes on to suggest that while the verse in Jeremiah 1:9 actually states:

"Then the Lord put forth his hand and touched my [i.e., Jeremiah’s] mouth."

However, there were rabbis who were uncomfortable with the anthropomorphic innuendo that G-d has a ‘hand’ and, instead, explained that G-d had sent an angel to touch the mouth of Jeremiah. This was quite a common technique whereby the rabbis often reworked uncomfortable anthropomorphic texts.


The Paris papyrus text may be an example of this very trend. Hence the concept of the ‘seal of Solomon’ placed in Jeremiah's mouth, possibly brought by an angel (or by Solomon[8] as the text implies) but certainly with no reference to  G-d’s hand, is a better alternative. Sperber suggests that this papyrus text, therefore, may indeed be a lost Midrash from the anti-anthropomorphic rabbinic school.

THE ARRAY OF RABBINIC REFERENCES TO A MAGICAL ITEM PLACED IN THE MOUTH:

As further support for Sperber's interpretation, we will now look at an array of parallel rabbinic teachings concerning the placing of ‘magical’ items on the tongue to produce some form of prophecy or supernatural outcome.

1) PLACING AMULETS ON (OR UNDER) THE TONGUE:

Placing amulets on (or under) the tongue to achieve certain required outcomes became a common custom in the Jewish mystical world.

In one instance we read about a practice to send dreams to one's neighbour by writing a spell “upon a plate of silver and placing in the mouth of a rooster.[10]

2) PLACING A RING IN THE MOUTH:

According to Sefer haRazim, sometimes a special ring was placed in a person’s mouth to achieve certain results.[11]

3) HOW TO MAKE ‘TERAFIM’:

When Yakov and Rachel (Leah, Bilah and Zilpah) left Lavan’s house to return to Canaan, Rachel took (stole) her father’s (Lavan’s) terafim[12] while he was out. These terafim, also referred to as ‘household goods’ were in fact idols. The common reason given for taking her father’s idols is that she didn’t want him to worship them.[13]

The Midrash Tanchuma[14] describes how these terafim were made:

“And how did they make [them]? They would bring a first-born man, slaughter him, and salt him with salt and oils. Then they wrote on a golden plate the name of an unclean spirit, and placed the plate with magic under his tongue. Then they placed him in (a niche in?) a wall, and lit before him candles, and prostrated themselves before him, and he would speak with them in oracles – (or: in a magical manner).”

The Targum Yerushalmi[15] states that the golden plate which was placed under the tongue was endowed with ‘kismin’ or ‘magic powers’.  

This Midrash and Targum, again, indicate the widespread and common belief held by Jews and non-Jews that golden and silver plates and certain ‘seals’ or rings placed in the mouth can produce supernatural outcomes.

4) NEBUCHADNEZZAR’S AMULET:

According to Shir haShirim Rabba[16], Nebuchadnezzar who destroyed the First Temple, also used a similar technique:

“What did that wicked man (Nebuchadnezzar) do? He took the diadem [headpiece] of the High Priest and placed it into the mouth (of the idol - cf. Daniel 3:1), and it began to speak [saying]: I am the Lord, thy God...”

The Zohar[17] writes similarly:

“[Nebuchadnezzar] took a vessel of the Temple vessels on which was engraved the Holy Name, and placed it in the mouth of the idol, and from that moment it began to speak wondrous things...”

As does the Tikkunei Zohar[18]:

 “[A]nd afterwards they would place the Ineffable Name (Shem haMeforash) in the mouths of the images (of the zodiacal constellations-the Mazzalot), and they would speak...”

From all these sources it is clear that it was commonly believed that placing a ‘magic item’ in the mouth could cause a person or object to speak in an oracular or prophetic manner. 

However, based on the Paris papyri, we now know that this was not just a rabbinic idea but one held to be similarly true by the general non-Jewish mystical culture at that time.

Thus Sperber is able to speculatively reconstruct two lost rabbinic homilies positioned comfortably within a general papyrus text of pagan magic.

ANALYSIS:

Sperber’s research is fascinating although even he admits that he has not conclusively shown beyond a shadow of a doubt that he discovered lost rabbinic teachings.

Nevertheless, regardless of how one chooses to read Sperber, what we do see and what is abundantly evident is that there were large swathes of common areas of overlap between the early rabbinic position on magic and that of the Greek, Coptic and Gnostic pagan world. 

This muddies the waters and makes it extremely difficult to know the difference between an original Jewish idea and that stemming from the outside pagan magical and mystical community.

Jewish mysticism, as presented today, is a far cry from the original style of mysticism and magic as presented in the older Jewish texts. Today’s mysticism is portrayed as a clean and sophisticated philosophical system of lofty spiritual ideas and concepts - but this wasn’t always the case.
At some point, the system was radically changed from a very raw and folk-rooted magical and superstitious tradition common to the non-Jewish world, to the well-polished theosophy which we find today.

Rambam (1135-1204) was against mysticism and, as we know, presented an alternate system of spiritual rationalism. This began a series of religious controversies which still continue to this day because, despite the theological makeover, we still see an unwillingness to let go of elements of basic theurgy (magic) as was practiced in earlier times.

Thus, for example, the manner in which we teach our children about angels in our contemporary Torah schools, stands in sharp contradistinction to way Rambam understood them. In his view, angels did not manifest as supernatural beings but were rather states of human perception.

Rambam did not believe that the Jewish mystical tradition (as practiced in his day and by extension, certainly thereafter) went all the way back to Sinai. This was to become one of the main points of mystical contention between Maimonides and Nachmanides who did believe that the mystical roots originated at Sinai. [See Who Owned the Early Kabbalah?]

Rambam believed that he knew the origins of Jewish mysticism and that he understood that, to a large extent, it simply reflected some of the common superstitions of the ancient world.

One of the great ironies of the Maimonidean controversies is that it is Rambam himself who the mystics accuse of misrepresenting Judaism by incorporating an overly Greek (Aristotelian) worldview.

FURTHER READING:







[1] I intentionally use the terms ‘magical’ and ‘mystical’ interchangeably with reference to earlier theosophy.  Today the separation between ‘theoretical’ and ‘practical’ mysticism is said to be somewhat more distinct. One could argue, however, that even today, when (innocent) attempts are made to manipulate mystical knowledge or ‘direct’ it, it is no longer in the category of theoretical theosophy but has technically crossed back over to theurgy (magic).
[2] Daniel Sperber, Some Rabbinic Themes in Magical Papyri.
[3] Bibliothèque Nationale, Suppl. grec. no. 574.11.
[4] Sifre Devarim, 311.
[5] Shir haShirim Rabba, 6:8.
[6] Adolf Deissmann, Light from the Ancient East, transl. Strachan (London, 1927), pp. 255-66.
[7] The Septuagint verses read in English translation: “And the Lord stretched out his hand to me and touched my mouth, and the Lord said to me, “Behold, I have given my words to your mouth.”
[8] Sperber also suggests that the original text had been corrupted and should read the “by the seal of Solomon” and not “by the seal which Solomon laid...”
[9] See Gittin 68a. In Arabic lore "Bism Illâh" (=in the name of God) is both on the tongue of Jesus and on the seal of Solomon.  E. A. Wallis Budge, Amulets and Talismans (1961 ed.), p. 70. It is possible that the Muslims begin their sermons with this reference in order to take advantage of the ‘seal’ and thus speak in ‘prophecy’. The 'seal' is known as Khātam Sulaymān and refers to the signet ring of King Solomon.
[10] M. Gaster , The Sword of Moses, (London 1898), p. 39 no. 70.
[11] Sefer ha-Razim, ed. M. Margalioth (Jerusalem 1966), pp. 105-06.
[12] Similar objects are also referenced in Judges 17:5, 2 Kings 23:24 and Zecharia 10:2.
[13] Other reasons are that by possessing these terafim, she could claim her father’s inheritance and also use them as fertility amulets.
[14] Tanchuma, Vayetzei 12.
[15] Bereishit, 31:19.
[16] Shir haShirim, Rabba 7:9.
[17] Zohar, Terumah 2, fol. 175b. 
[18] Tikkunei Zohar, Tikkun 66, fol. 97b.

Sunday, 10 May 2020

275) WHO OWNED THE EARLY KABBALAH?


Likkutim with references to Sefer haIyun and Shem Tov Ibn Gaon (see Appendix): 

- POLEMICS OF AN EARLY MYSTICAL POWER-STRUGGLE -


INTRODUCTION:

The Zohar was first published (in manuscript form) in around 1280. During that century and the next, there was much debate over who wrote it, who owned it and - more importantly - who owned the Kabbalistic tradition in general. 

The publication of the Zohar brought the issue of ownership of Kabbalah to a head because this was the beginning of a new literary (written) mystical tradition replacing a hitherto largely oral mystical tradition[1].

In this article, we will explore the question of who owned the authentic rights to Kabbalah. Was it those who wrote, read and studied its books - or those who transmitted and expounded it the form of an oral tradition?

I have drawn extensively from Professor Moshe Halbertal[2], a graduate of Har Etzion Yeshiva who later served, amongst other positions, as visiting professor at Yale and Harvard Universities. He is also the co-author of the Israeli Army Code of Ethics.

Considering the prime role the Zohar and Kabbalah were to play in future Judaism, it is interesting to see how ideas we usually take for granted as always being part of Jewish tradition, were fiercely debated at that time. 

What is refreshing about this account is that it is not historical speculation but, instead, a record of ‘eye witness’ writings of two contemporaneous Kabbalists from each of the two competing mystical schools at the time of the publication of the Zohar in the late 13th- century. It is the story of the battle between the established older oral mystical tradition and the infancy and stirrings of a new competing written tradition.

THE CLASH OF THE LITERARY AND ORAL MYSTICAL TRADITIONS:

Moshe Halbertal presents the problem:

“The emergence of literary canon endows a tradition with authority and endurance, which is independent from the localized and bounded channels of oral transmission. Yet such transformation might undermine that same tradition it aimed at solidifying.”

MEIR IBN SAHULA VS SHEM TOV IBN GAON:

This tension resulted in a clash between the newer literary and older oral mystical traditions. The clash may be personified as a conflict between two exponents of these traditions, namely Meir Ibn Sahula (1255-1335) representing what was to become the new literary tradition, and Shem Tov Ibn Gaon (1283-1330) representing the older oral tradition.

PART 1:

MEIR IBN SAHULA:

WRITTEN TEXTS AND MEIR IBN SAHULA’S INDEPENDENT MYSTICAL STUDY:

Towards the latter part of the 13th-century, the Spanish Kabbalist Meir Ibn Sahula wrote about how he had acquired all his mystical knowledge from books and not from an oral tradition. This was something rather unusual at that time.

Meir Ibn Sahula had written a commentary to an earlier Kabbalistic work, Sefer Yetzirah, and in it he writes:

"For several years already, I have been studying these things relating to all secrets, starting with the Sefer Habahir, which explains some matters, and the writings of Rabbi Asher who wrote the Perush Shlosh Esreh Middot and the Perush Hashevu'ah, and Rabbi Ezra , Rabbi Azariel and Rabbi Moshe ben Nahman [Nachmanides or Ramban][3], all of blessed memory . Also, I studied those chapters. And I acquired some of the commentary on Sefer Yetzirah attributed to Rabbi Moshe bar Nahman of blessed memory, but I was unable to acquire all of it."[4]

Evidently, Meir Ibn Sahula had access to a large body of written mystical literature and he was happy to consult it and learn from it. However, he was the exception rather than the rule, as most Kabbalists held to the very strict tradition of an oral mystical transmission. Mystical books (baring one or two exceptions) and certainly libraries were considered unauthentic and unauthorized for such an important tradition.

NACHMANIDES’ ORAL MYSTICAL TRADITION AND HIS OPPOSITION TO INDEPENDENT MYSTICAL INQUIRY:

A strong advocate of the oral transmission of mystical knowledge as the only way to study and understand these ideas was Nachmanides (1194-1270). Nachmanides is generally known as the father of Jewish mysticism and he promoted its transmission in a mostly oral form.

Nachmanides maintained that the mystical tradition was a closed system which had its origins at Sinai and the only way to safeguard its authenticity was, essentially, through oral transmission.[5]

Nachmanides’ commonly adopted position can be seen in the Introduction to his Commentary on the Torah:

"[C]oncerning any of the mystic hints which I write regarding the hidden matters of the Torah...I do hereby firmly make known to him [the reader] that my words will not be comprehended nor known at all by any reasoning or contemplation, excepting from the mouth of a wise Kabbalist speaking into the ear of an understanding recipient.

Reasoning about them is foolishness; any unrelated thought brings much damage and withholds the benefit... let them take moral instruction from the mouths of our holy Rabbis...[A]bout that which is hidden from you, do not ask."[6]

There was to be no innovation or space for any private access to this knowledge. It could not be acquired independently. It had to be given over only by the master who possessed and owned that knowledge.

MEIR IBN SAHULA AS INDEPENDENT MYSTICAL INQUIRER:

Accordingly, Meir Ibn Sahula can be considered a mystic rebel in that he went against the dictates of mainstream Kabbalists and promoted independent textual study of mystical literature.

Meir Ibn Sahula writes in stark contradistinction to Nachmanides:

"We must investigate the words according to our understanding, and walk in them in the paths walked by the prophets in their generation and in the generations before us, during the two hundred years of kabbalists to date, and they call the wisdom of the ten sefirot and some of the reasons for the commandments[,] Kabbalah."[7]

In another statement, Meir Ibn Sahula is even clearer:

"I did not receive this from tradition, but I say 'open my eyes that I may gaze on the wonders of your Law'."[8]

Halbertal describes Meir Ibn Sahula as undermining the authority of the earlier Kabbalists:

“The restriction of the scope of the tradition empowers the investigative position and his reliance on reasoning.”

AGE AND PROVENANCE OF KABBALAH:

This “restriction of scope” is fundamentally important because it now allows and admits the notion of innovation of mystical ideas – something abhorrent to the mainstream Kabbalists like Nachmanides who roots his mystical tradition in Sinai.

What is striking about the position taken by Meir Ibn Sahula is that he sees much of Kabbalah as having developed later, especially during the two hundred year period before him. This would be particularly significant because new mystical ideas such as the Ten Sefirot[9] as defined by the more recent written works, were to become a cornerstone and basic building block of much of future Jewish mysticism.

CHUG HAIYUN AND THEIR PSEUDEPIGRAPHA:

Besides the publication of the Zohar, there were numerous other mystical writings - some more accurate than others - that were also in circulation. The Spanish Kabbalists were particularly esoteric but one group from Castille was even more extreme. They were known as the Chug haIyun or Circle of In-Depth Contemplation. It is likely that Meir Ibn Sahula was part of this group.

They produced a vast mystical literature which was largely pseudepigraphical (i.e., written falsely in the name of other, earlier and better known authorities)[10].

Halbertal refers to their pseudepigraphical enterprises as “creative and daring.” They did not base their teachings on any oral tradition. Instead, took their authority from (according to Halbertal a mythical figure[11]) R. Chamai Gaon. They were intent on breaking the closed, secret and exclusive circle of traditional Kabbalists like Nachmanides. 

The writings of the Chug haIyun - together with other mystical writings which accumulated from various sectors of the Spanish mystical community - eventually culminated in the writing of the Zohar, which further broke the notion that Kabbalah was a closed system.

PART 2:

SHEM TOV IBN GAON:

SHEM TOV IBN GAON COMES TO THE DEFENCE OF NACHMANIDES:

At the other end of the spectrum - in light of the plethora of newly published mystical literature - another mystic, Shem Tov Ibn Gaon emerges as a defender of the more traditional system of oral transmission as propounded by Nachmanides. He attempts to reinstate the closed model of Kabbalah as an oral tradition only for the duly initiated.

Shem Tov Ibn Gaon was a student of Rashba (Rabbi Shlomo Ibn Aderet - also known as the Rabbi of Spain - El Rab d'España) who in turn was a student of Nachmanides.

Shem Tov Ibn Gaon writes about how, in his view, the oral mystical tradition goes back to Sinai:

“For no sage can know of them through his own sagacity, and no wise man may understand through his own wisdom, and no researcher through his research, and no expositor through his exposition; only the kabbalist may know, based on the Kabbalah that he received, passed down orally from one man to another, going back to the chain of the greats of the renowned generation, who received it from their masters, and the fathers of their fathers, going back to Moses...who received it as Law from Sinai.”[12]

Shem Tov Ibn Gaon then takes a swipe at the style of popular mystical writings that were beginning to emerge and he challenges their authenticity:

"[E]very man whom the spirit of God is within must take heed...lest he find books written with this wisdom...for perhaps the whole of what he received is but chapter headings; then he may come to study such books and fall in the deep pit as a result of the sweet words he finds there; for he may rejoice in them, or desire their secrets or the sweetness of the lofty language he finds there.
But perhaps their author has not received the Kabbalah properly, passed down orally from one to another; he may only have been intelligent or skilled in poetry or rhetoric... and have left the true path, as our Sages of blessed memory warned, 'in the measure of his sharpness, so is his error’.”[13]

Probably because of the timing of Shem Tov Ibn Gaon’s  writing so soon after the publication of the Zohar, Halbertal interprets his word as follows:

“It may very well be that Shem Τον Ibn Gaon was warning his readers against the Zohar, which is the epitome of the development of the Kabbalah as literature, as its marvelous literary qualities are powerfully seductive...

[The older and more traditional oral mystical systems][14] have no narrative frames or mythic characters, nor do they display complex weaves of midrashim and explanations, whereas in the Zohar we find these elements in abundance. The seductive appeal of the literary kabbalistic works threaten its status as a precise tradition handed down by Moses on Mount Sinai; it is this threat that Shem Tov struggled with.”

Halbertal points out that Nachmanides’ writings, in stark contradistinction to the style of the Zohar, are ‘devoid of any literary quality’. Nachmanides was not writing to entertain. Bear in mind that Nachmanides would have passed away (in 1270) about ten years before the Zohar was published (in 1280).

But Shem Tov Ibn Gaon hasn’t finished yet. Besides criticising the abundance of new mystical literature, he launches into what appears to be an attack against the Zohar seeming to accuse it of pseudepigrapha. This is one of the first contemporaneous criticisms of the Zohar which was to become the mainstay of Jewish mysticism:

"God forbid, for the earlier instructed ones and the bearers of tradition have already proclaimed against this, saying that the wise man should not read any book unless he knows the name of its author.”

This statement needs to viewed against the backdrop of the fact that although the Zohar was only published in 1280, it was claimed to have been written by R. Shimon Bar Yochai, a Tanna from the Mishnaic Period one thousand years earlier. It was claimed that some of Bar Yochai’s original manuscripts had recently been found and only published in 1280 for the first time. Others counterclaimed that the Zohar was a pseudepigraphic forgery written by Moshe de León (1240-1305).
Shem Tov Ibn Gaon continues:

“And this is just, for when he knows whom its author is, he will understand its path and intention, (transmitted) from one man to another until the members of his generation. Thus, he may know if its author was a legitimate authority, and from whom he received it and whether his wisdom is renowned."[15]

Later, Shem Tov Ibn Gaon continues to highlight the differences between his Nachmanidean school and the new and emerging literary Kabbalistic tradition:

"[The traditional mystical schools] were careful not to compose unattributed literature, writing only in their own names. Furthermore, they never explained anything based on their own knowledge, unless they made public to all readers how they arrived at such knowledge through their own reasoning. They publicized their names in their works so that all who come after them may know what guarded measure and in which paths light may be found."[16]

This was not the case with the new emerging written mystical schools which thrived on grand pseudepigraphical enterprises.

SOME WRITTEN WORKS ARE CONSIDERED AS PART OF THE ORAL TRANSMISSION:

Shem Tov Ibn Gaon was now faced with a dilemma: He opposed the emergence of the Zohar and other new writings because they were not part of the oral mystical tradition, but there were some older literary works that predated his era and he felt that they were authentic. These works included the Sefer haBahir, Sefer Yetzirah and Sefer Shiur Komah.

His solution was simple. He included those written works within the corpus of the oral mystical tradition. But in order to qualify as an oral tradition, the three written works must be chanted “in a tune” and memorized.[17] This apparently transformed the written word into an oral tradition.

He had another dilemma: Even some of the mystical ideas of Nachmanides had been written down and some appear in Nachmanides’ various own commentaries.[18] Shem Tov Ibn Gaon explained that Nachmanides’ mystical writings were generally written in a hinted manner and were not explicit:

“[I]n each and every place [he] hinted at hidden things...based on what he had received. Nevertheless, he made his words very enigmatic...”[19]

Thus even the mystical writings of Nachmanides were to be considered essentially as part of an oral and not a written corpus.

PART 3:

THE INTENTIONAL DISORDER OF THE MYSTICAL ORAL TRADITION:

Halbertal explains that indeed Nachmanides and others did write very sparsely in a hinted and enigmatic style.  It seems that they did not do this just to qualify their writings as technically within the oral tradition but for another reason as well. That reason was to maintain control over the ideas.
Halbertal writes:

“[The] oral transmission is not the organized, systematic transmission of Torah secrets... it was also done through hints, and a little at a time. The student received the chapter headings and his masters examined how he developed and understood them on his own; only when he was found worthy did they expand the range of hints and transmit additional chapter headings, and so on. This method of transmission provides the masters with long-term control over the learning process, and enables the process to be halted at various points.”

MYSTICAL ELITISM:

Halbertal elaborates on the difficult conditions imposed on one who wanted to become a part of the oral mystical transmission:

“The transmission through hinting, which is gradually amplified in accordance with the student's own progress, reflects the circular nature of the condition...

The circular conditions of entry are the profoundest expression of the elitism of the esoteric. One may not join the esoteric circle, as it is based on a tautology—whoever knows the secret is worthy of receiving it. Esotericism thus entails a strong sense of privacy: 'only those who already understand me can understand me'.”

THE ABILITY TO KEEP SECRETS:

The would-be initiate into the world of the oral tradition of mysticism had to agree to keep his knowledge secret. Shem Tov Ibn Gaon describes this commitment as follows:

"When they transmitted (this knowledge) to me, they did so on condition that I would not transmit it to others except under three conditions, to any one who comes to receive the matters of the initiates: the first is that he be a Talmudic scholar, the second that he be forty years old or more, and the third that he be pious and humble in spirit."

THE POLITICS AND POWER-STRUGGLES OF THE ORAL MYSTICAL TRADITION:

Halbertal is quick to point out the human reality that is always present and the tendency for a power-struggle even (or particularly) within the mystical world:

“An additional restriction mentioned by Shem Tov — ‘that he be a Talmudic scholar’— was designed to create a situation in which the realm of closed knowledge would remain the sole property of the Torah scholars.

This restriction had institutional and social significance that far surpassed the question of the student's aptitude for receiving Torah secrets. Esoteric teachings might pose a threat to authority structures and halakhic frameworks, because they present themselves as the inner meaning of religion.

The attempt to restrict the Kabbalah to traditions transmitted amongst Torah scholars is a means of preventing its becoming a body of knowledge and authority that could compete with the halakhic world...

The rabbinical elite attempts to keep the esoteric tradition within its own domain, so that it will not become a competing institution of authority and inspiration.”

This may be another reason why the mystics of the oral tradition were not happy with the emergence of the new literary body of written Kabbalistic literature.

CONCLUSION:

History has shown that the future dominant school of Kabbalah was to emerge not from the mystics of the oral tradition but from the mystics of the new written school which included the Zohar.
In this sense, Halbertal concludes:

“Shem Τον Ibn Gaon presents us with a polemical picture, full and rare, of an esoteric tradition that has lost its power.”

Back to our original question: who owned the early Kabbalah - those who wrote it or those who orally taught it?

It seems that initially, it was the elitist mystics of the school of oral mystical tradition who owned the Kabbalah. But after the Zohar was published in 1280, the mystical tradition was democratized and opened up for anyone who knew how to read it. 

The new mystical writers now owned Kabbalah and the older oral school might have felt that the chain they believed went back to Sinai had been broken. They may also have lamented their loss of control over the mystical literature which now could easily fall into the hands of Kabbalists who could create an opposing stream to the Halachists.


ADDITIONAL READING:

[For more on the Kabbalistic notion of control over the teachings, see: Why Were the Teachings of Chasidei Ashkenaz so Elusive?]

[For more on the Shiur Komah, see: The Notion the G-d has a Body.]

[For more on who wrote the Zohar, see Mysteries behind the Origins of the Zohar.]



APPENDIX:

Notes on the picture.

Translation of the title page of Likutim by Rav Hai Gaon (Warsaw 1798 – First Edition Printed by the Magid of Koznitz) which included other works:

[Interesting and relevant names and ideas have been highlighted for further consideration:]

Likutim by Rabbi Hai Gaon, Kabbalistic matters and prayers, "Explanations on the 42 Letter Name, deep secrets, new and very wonderful things", with additional Kabbalistic compilations: Sha'ar HaShamayim by Rabbi Yosef Giktilia, Likutei Shem Tov, Ma'amar Ploni Almoni, on the 10 Sefirot and Names. Tefillat R' Ya'akov Yasgova [of Strzegowo], Sefer Ha'Iyun L'Rav Chamai Gaon, "Secrets by the Kabbalist Chacham Yosef Giktilia" on the mitzvoth, and "Booklet by Rabbi S.T. from the Rashba" explanations of Torah secrets by the Ramban. [Warsaw, 1798]. First edition.

Printed by the Magid Rabbi Yisrael of Koznitz
(1737–1814), from manuscripts hidden in his possession, edited by his disciple and personal scribe Rabbi Gavriel of Warsaw. With the approbation of the Magid of Koznitz printed on the verso of the title page. He writes that the manuscript and its printing were performed by his instructions and that Rabbi Levi Yitzchak of Berdychiv also agreed to print the book, "And with the permission of… Rabbi Levi Yitzchak Av Beit Din of Berdychiv".






[1] At the time of the publication of the Zohar there were some other written mystical works, such as the Sefer haBahir, Sefer Yetzirah and Shiur Komah. However, around the 13th-century, mystical writing began to proliferate.
[2]Moshe Halbertal, From Oral Tradition to Literary Canon: Shem Tov Ibn Gaon and the Critique of Kabbalistic Literature.
[3] Parenthesis mine.
[4] MS Rome Angelica 1/145, p. 2b.
[5] Moshe Idel, "Nahmanides: Kabbalah, Halakha and Spiritual Leadership."
[6] Perush Haramban, I, pp . 7-8; Chavel, I, pp . 15-16.
[7] Ibid.
[8] Ibid., 100b
[9] The notion that G-d’s emanation can be broken down into ten essential energies or attributes so as to achieve various spiritual and physical outcomes.
[10] It is interesting and telling that the definition of ‘pseudoepigrapha’ is “spurious or pseudonymous writings, especially Jewish writings.”
[11] Later, Halbertal refers to “the enigmatic image of Rabbi Hamai.” (Italics mine)

According to Jellinek Rabbi Chamai was from the school of R. Isaac the Blind. (See: Jellinek, Auswahl Kabbalistischer Mystik, pp. 8 et seq.) 

However. according to Shadal’s Vikuach: “I say that Rav Chamai did not exist and was never created, and no Sage whose name was such is found amongst the Geonim nor amongst the Rabbanan Savorai, and not even amongst the Sages of the Talmud. And I say that Rav Paltoi Gaon died 100 years before Rav Hai Gaon was born. And therefore I say that one should not rely much upon the testimony of the sages of kabbalah, for they are established liars.
[12] Badei haAron, p. 27.
[13] Badei haAron, pp. 25-26.
[14] Parenthesis mine.
[15] Badei haAron, ibid.
[16] Badei haAron, p. 29.
[17] Badei haAron, p. 32.
[18] Such as Nachmanides’ commentary on the Book of Job and his commentary on Sefer Yetzirah.
[19] Badei haAron, p. 29.