Menu

Showing posts with label Chassidism. Show all posts
Showing posts with label Chassidism. Show all posts

Sunday, 22 November 2020

302) SHULCHAN HATAHOR - A ‘REAL’ CHASSIDIC SHULCHAN ARUCH:

Part of the copious writings of R. Yitzchak Safrin (1806–1874) of Zhidachov-Komarno referred to here as the "Great Eagle, the living Ari, and the G-dly Tanna."

INTRODUCTION:

I have tried to show, in a previous article Displacing Maimonides’ Mishneh Torah that whoever controls Halacha controls the future of Judaism. This is why we have a surprising number of versions of what is essentially a singular code of law and often the authors of such works were from very mystical backgrounds (see A Mystical Side to R. Yosef Karo). It seems possible that the mystics were attempting to reclaim control of the law from the early codifier, Rambam the rationalist.

In more recent times, there emerged the Shulchan Aruch haRav, by R. Shneur Zalman of Liady (1745-1812) the first rebbe of Chabad. Interestingly, this work generally steers clear of mystical references. 

Around the same time another work surfaced, Likkutei Halachot by R. Natan Sternhartz of Nemirov (1780–1845), a student of R. Nachman of Breslov, although this is more of an explanation of the ideas of his teacher than a code of law per se.

This article, based extensively on the research of Professor Ariel Evan Mayse[1], deals with a most unusual and little-known Halachic work, the Shulchan haTahor by R. Yitzchak Ayzik Yehudah Yechiel Safrin of Komarno[2] (1806–1874). The Shulchan haTahor is presented as a new code of law specifically for Chassidim. It not only alludes to, and includes Chassidic practices and ideology but it draws primarily and in the first instance from the mysticism of Chassidut and Kabbalah.

BACKGROUND TO SHULCHAN HATAHOR:

Mayse describes this fascinatingly bold and overtly Chassidic Shulchan Aruch as follows:

The book is, at heart, a systematic reformulation of Jewish law in light of Kabbalah, Hasidism, and the quest for personal mystical experience. Shulchan haTahor offers a rare case study for the interface of mystical experience, Hasidic devotional values, and kabbalistic doctrine as they explicitly shape the codified forms—and norms—of halakhah.

R. Safrin of Komarno was a prolific writer. He wrote commentaries on the Torah, Talmud and Zohar, kept a dream journal, authored a mystical autobiography and of course his new Shulchan Aruch for Chassidim. He was born into the Zhidachov Chassidic community which was known for its emphasis on strict observance of Halacha. Yet, his Shulchan haTahor was not just a mystical commentary on the Shulchan Aruch but a complete reworking of it.

Initially, his Shulchan haTahor was distributed amongst the Zhidachov-Komarno Chassidic community and remained in manuscript form. It was only published as late as 1963 almost a century after R. Safrin’s passing.

STRUCTURE:

The Shulchan haTahor follows a similar format to that of the Shulchan Aruch. It is also divided into the common simanim and se’ifim, but although presented in a seriously legalistic format, the content is very unusual.

The work contains a second section, entitled, Zer Zahav, which acts as a commentary on the first section.[3]

MIXING KABBALAH WITH HALACHA:

While R. Yosef Karo, in his Shulchan Aruch, does sometimes venture into sources from the Zohar, the general consensus is that Kabbalah must not inform Halacha. Thus, for example, R. Moshe Sofer known as the Chatam Sofer (1736–1839) writes:

“I say that one who mixes Kabbalah with legal rulings (halakhot pesuqot) is culpable as one who sows a forbidden mixture (kilayim).”[4]

Ironically, although R. Safrin showed great respect for the Chatam Sofer, he certainly did not follow this sentiment about not mixing Kabbalah and Halacha when he came to writing his Shulchan haTahor.

Mayse shows how, from a tender age, R. Safrin was drawn to the mystical teachings, particularly of the Ari Zal (1534-1572). These Lurianic Kabbalistic teachings “burned” within him “like a torch”.

Setting the tone for his Shulchan haTahor, R. Safrin nails his colours to the mast by writing:

In any case where it is impossible to reconcile the words of the Talmud with the Zohar, even though the authorities (posqim) did not say so [explicitly], the [opinions conflict] because they did not see the brilliant light of the Zohar. Had they glimpsed it, there is no doubt that they would have bowed their heads in fear and awe to its words, for they are holy! [5]

IGNORING ZOHAR IS “AN ELEMENT OF HERESY”:

According to R. Safrin, one who ignores the customs of the Zohar reveals that there must be “an element of heresy (tzad minut) hidden in such a person.”

He also claims that if one disagrees with a custom of the Zohar it is as if one disagreed with a Talmudic sage. This is probably because although the Zohar was only published around 1290,  the traditional view is that the Zohar was authored by the second-century Tanna, R. Shimon bar Yochai.

R. Safrin certainly held the mystics in the highest esteem because he continues that “one who disagrees with the ARI, disagrees with shekhinah.[6]

THE “OBLIGATION” TO IMMERSE IN A MIKVA ON EREV SHABBAT:

On the subject of immersing in a mikva, R. Safrin writes:

It is a commandment, an obligation from the teachings of our master the ARI and from the holy Zohar, to immerse oneself in the river or miqveh every Sabbath eve. One is also required to immerse in the morning before prayers on the Sabbath day, according to our master the ARI. One who transgresses his words without being compelled to do so is called a sinner, for all of his words [i.e., those of the ARI], even the most minor, were received—not from an angel or Seraph—but from the blessed Holy One Himself.[7]

DAILY MIKVE:

The Shulchan haTahor encourages one to “take care and immerse oneself each day for it purifies the life-force, spirit, and soul (nafsho, ve-ruḥo ve-nishmato).[8]

OBLIGATORY RASHI AND RABBEINU TAM TEFILLIN:

All men are obliged to follow the Ari’s “injunction” to wear two pairs of tefillin:

“[E]ach Israelite, who has some Jewishness within, is obligated by the Torah to put on two pairs of tefillin—those of RaSHI and Rabbenu Tam. One who does not wear those of Rabbenu Tam is a fool and coarse of spirit.” [9]

OPTIONAL SHIMUSHA RABBA AND RA’AVAD TEFILLIN:

In addition to Rashi and Rabbeinu Tam tefillin, there are also Shimusha Rabba and Ra’avad tefillin[10], which according to R. Safrin are not obligatory but optional for those who feel they are on a ‘higher level’:

“One whose heart has been touched by awe before God should put on the tefillin of Shimusha Rabba and the RaBad…. Only one who has maintained piety from the days of his youth (maḥazik nafsho mi-ne‘urav ba-ḥasidut) and fear of sin should do so. Thus shall he feel a wondrous light in them as well.”[11]

TEFILLIN AT MINCHA:

R. Safrin encourages “one who has attained the holy lights and vitality of the tefillin” to “wear them also at minḥah.[12]

A ‘PUNTERNIK’:

Mayse explains that in R. Safrin’s commentary on the Book of Esther, he permits tefillin strengthened with a small piece of leather called a “punternik”. The reason why it is permissible is that he saw them on the tefillin of R. Shneur Zalman of Liady, “a holy man who was punctilious and careful in all commandments.[13]      

Interestingly, Israel Berger cites an oral tradition where R. Safrin tells a student that he saw the tefillin in a dream because tradition has it that the tefillin of R. Shneur Zalman were lost. However, R. Safrin then claims that “And yet, before all the people, I did not want to write this down, and therefore I simply wrote that I saw them,[14] - even thought he only ‘saw’ them in a dream.

TEFILLIN ON CHOL HAMOED:

Regarding the strict ‘prohibition’ of wearing tefillin on the intermediate days of a festival, R. Safrin rules:

“It is forbidden to put on tefillin during the intermediate days of a festival, and one who does so is liable for two heavenly deaths.” [15]

READING FROM A DEFECTIVE TORAH:

Because the Shulchan haTahor is based on mystical practices, it often rules more stringently than normative Halacha. According to most authorities, if one reads from a Sefer Torah that was found to have a mistake, one may continue from another Sefer Torah from where one left off in the first. However, Shulchan haTahor rules that even for a minor mistake where the meaning of the word is not changed, one must start from the beginning of the weekly portion in the second Sefer Torah all over again.[16] This is because the Ari ruled like this “in his wisdom and with his holy spirit”.

In R. Safrin’s Zer Zahav commentary section, he claims that the well-known ruling of Rambam[17] – that one may even read from a defective or pasul Sefer Torah – is not just incorrect but a forgery!

The truth is more beloved to me, and I must dare to contravene my teachers. The truth is with those [who rule] that reading a pasul Torah scroll is totally meaningless, according to the Zohar, and our master the ARI.

Without a doubt, one must go back and read [the entire portion from the very beginning].[18]

INCORPORATING PRACTICES OF THE BAAL SHEM TOV:

Unusual for a Halachic work R. Safrin includes some of the practices of the Baal Shem Tov. Mayce shows how influences from dreams and visions were incorporated into the Halacha by citing the mystical autobiography of R. Safrin:

The door opened and I was worthy to see the face of our master, the BeSHT, may his merit protect us. As a result of my great joy and fear I was not able to move from my spot. He walked over to me and greeted me with a joyful face and I had great pleasure. His visage is engraved in my mind and is always before me. Perhaps I had been worthy to attain this because I had given charity that day, as is right and proper.[19]

GARTEL:

As a result of the influence of the Baal Shem Tov, the Chassidic custom to wear a gartel or prayer belt, becomes a Halachic requirement and it is prohibited to pray without one.[20]

TACHANUN:

Similarly, one must follow the Ari’s version of the Tachanun prayer and nefilat apayim which was established by the “true tzadikkim, the disciples of the BeSHT.”[21] The descent into the kelipot or husks of the nether realms becomes exemplified during the ‘descent’ in the nefilat apayim, and it is necessary to ‘fall down’ in order to free the trapped sparks contained within those lowly realms.

MAYIM ACHARONIM:

Although some authorities do regard Mayim Acharonim as a chova, or obligation, and R. Shneur Zalman of Liady calls it a mitzvah - R. Safrin cites the Baal Shem Tov’s emphasis on ensuring that the water is poured into another vessel and not onto the ground.[22]

BRANDY:

Brandy is regarded as so important and delightful that it takes Halachic precedence over some baked items known as mezonot. R. Safrin supports this notion by writing that such was the practice of R. Avraham Yehoshua of Apt as well as his uncle Tzvi Hirsch of Zhidachov.[23]

A BRACHA ON SMOKING A PIPIE:

R. Safrin writes that the Baal Shem Tov said a blessing when he smoked his pipe:

Our divine master, holy of holies, our teacher Israel ben Eliezer Ba‘al Shem Tov, recited a blessing on smoking his pipe (lulke) and on drawing the tobacco into his nose [i.e., on using snuff]. Because I do not know the formulation of this blessing, but rather simply received the tradition that he did so, my custom is not to offer a blessing.[24]

R. Safrin claims that the Baal Shem Tov received the tradition and the wording of this blessing from his teachers who are said to have been Eliyahu haNavi and Achiya haShiloni.

…But a renowned scholar can establish a blessing for himself upon smoking the pipe, and other such things. The one who blesses, shall be blessed![25]

SAFEK BERACHOT LEHAKEL:

There is a well-established[26] principle in Halacha that in a doubtful situation (say, for example, one does not remember if a blessing was recited for food), one does not recite a second blessing as it may be superfluous. (By ‘blessing’ is meant the formula Baruch atah etc.) However, Shulchan haTahor takes a very different approach to the matter and says that one should recite a blessing in cases of doubt.

R. Safrin writes that he cannot see why one should not be permitted to simply praise G-d as one does anyway throughout the day – and why does it change matters when the praise just happens to begin with the formula Baruch atah etc.?[27]

The Shulchan haTahor wites:

Each person, should arrange the blessings according to his nature and according to the hour.[28]

Regarding formulating new blessings entirely, although he does not permit the outright composing of berachot by just anyone, he does say:

Each person of Israel, if he is an expert (bar hakhi), may come up with a new blessing to offer praise for each and every one of his needs, for each and every limb. This [practice] requires great discernment.[29]

He also writes:

“Each person should act as is best for him, according to his mind and his temperament, to illuminate his soul with sublime lights” (orot tzaḥtzeḥot).[30]

THE BAAL SHEM TOV AND ASHKENAZI PIYUTIM:

The Shulchan haTahor mentions the tradition that the Baal Shem Tov did not recite the lengthy Ashkenazi piyyutim, or poems, on the High Holidays. He claimed they were a later insertion and interrupt the prayers. However, in this instance, it rules against this custom of the Baal Shem Tov and instead cites R. Elimelech of Lizhensk (1717–1787) who did recite these piyyutim because it was in accordance with the remembered practice of the Ari.[31] This way, some Chassidic recollections and oral traditions were incorporated into the Shulchan haTahor.

“WHAT ARE THE SEFARADIM TO US?”

Many Chassidim have chosen to follow the Sefaradic (Eastern) rites over those of (German) Ashkenaz. The Shulchan haTahor, however, is vehemently against this adaptation of Sefaradic rites and exhorts one not to “change anything from the Ashkenazi rite”.[32]

Whatever our master the ARI did not specifically command us to do, we should not change from the [liturgical] order of the Ashkenazim. I thunder against … certain fools who recite the [blessings following the] order of the Sephardim … what are the Sephardim to us? We are the descendants of the Ḥasidei Ashkenaz—all of our customs and the liturgy were established by those who possessed the Holy Spirit, “descenders of the chariot.”[33]

R. Safrin points out that although the Ari did indeed base himself on both Sefaradic and Ashkenazic rites, he nevertheless prayed in an Ashkenazi synagogue on the High Holidays - and the Baal Shem Tov, he says, only made a few changes to the Ashkenazi rites. [See Musings on an ‘Ashkenazi’ Arizal.]

TALKING BEFORE DAVENING:

How classical Halacha is now presented through the lens of modern Chassidut can be seen in the way R. Safrin explains the Talmudic prohibition against greeting others before the Shacharit prayer service. He writes that the progression of each day is determined based upon one’s first thoughts in the morning:

[T]he essence of Judaism—devequt and divine vitality that is showered upon (nispha‘) a person each day—is drawn from the first thought and first utterance of the morning.”[34]

KAVANAH:

The Shulchan haTahor exemplifies concentration and intention so much that it rules:

“[It is better to say the] Amidah while seated and thus settle the mind and cultivate intentionality than it is to stand while worshipping and do so without kavvanah”.[35]

THE PRACTICES OF TZADIKIM ESTABLISH THE LAW:

The Chassidic Rebbe Yisrael Friedman of Ruzhin (1796-1850) married a woman who was an isha katlanit (a married woman who had become a widow twice. Based on a Talmudic ruling[36], she should not marry again because of the fear that her third husband may also die – although today one can make a legal argument to permit such a marriage).

However, when some scholars criticised R Yisrael of Ruzhin for his actions, R. Safrin came to his defence by writing:

“the deeds of the tzaddik are firmly established law (halakhah kevu‘ah), clear as the sun…. Everything that the tzaddikim do is wholly Torah (torah sheleimah)!”[37]

Mayce writes that:

…Safrin…makes a deeper point about the power of the tzaddik to establish the halakhah—made possible because the Hasidic leader embodies the halakhah in the personhood of his charismatic self and deeds.

WHITE CLOTHES ON SHABBAT:

Mayce shows that what previously - during the time of the Ari - was a practice of the mystical elite had now become something the common people were encouraged to emulate:

“If all Israel wore white clothes on the Sabbath, the redemption would arrive … and in this bitter time, there is no arrogance (yuhara) whatsoever. ”[38]

ANALYSIS:

These types of cases are highly unusual for a Halachic code of law and they make R. Safrin’s Shulchan haTahor a most noteworthy exception to the general genre of Halachic works. Although the presentation is lively in that it does include mystical explanations and emphasises the power of individuals to make choices and he certainly does not just present a dry list of do’s and don’ts – many, even within the Chassidic community, might argue that he went too far.

Perhaps Shulchan haTahor shows how Judaism can sometimes be reformed not only by the left but also by the right. [See Reforms of the ultra-Orthodox.]

The Kotzker Rebbe, who passed away fifteen earlier than R. Safrin, said:

There will come a time when those who dress in white garb will need all the help they can get, to prevent them from turning to a distortion of Judaism.[39]



[1] Ariel Evan Mayse, Setting the Table Anew: Law and Spirit in a Nineteenth-Century Hasidic Code.

[2] For more about R. Safrin, see Hayyim Yehudah Berle, Rabbi Yitzhak Isaac miKomarno: Toldotav, Ḥiburav, Ma’amarav (Jerusalem: Mossad Harav Kook, 1965).

[3] The citations in this article are all from the Shulchan haTahor published by Avraham Aba Zis, Jerusalem 2005. Translations are by Mayse.

[4] She’elot uTeshuvot Chatam Sofer, Oracḥ Cḥaim, no. 51, 1:88.

[5] Shulchan haTahor 2:2, Zer Zahav 5.

[6] Shulchan haTahor 203:5.

[7] Shulchan haTahor 260:7. 

[8] Shulchan haTahor 88:1.

[9] Shulchan haTahor  34:1.

[10] See here for the differences between the various tefillin.

[11] Shulchan haTahor 34:5.

[12] Shulchan haTahor 25:3, 37:2.)

[13] Ketem Ofir (Jerusalem: N.p., 2012).

[14] Israel Berger, ‘Eser Qedushot (Jerusalem: N.p., 1949/50), 68.

[15] Shulchan haTahor 31:1.

[16] Shulchan haTahor 142:4.

[17] Teshuvot haRambam, ed. Yosef Blau, 2 vols. (Jerusalem: Reuven Mas, 2014), no. 294, 2:550–553.

[18] Shulḥan Tahor 142:4, Zer Zahav 2.

[19] Faierstein, Jewish Mystical Autobiographies, 279.

[20] Shulchan haTahor 91:1.

[21] Shulchan haTahor  131:3, 9.

[22] Shulchan haTahor 181:2, Zer Zahav 1.

[23] Shulchan haTahor 212:10.

[24] Shulchan haTahor 210:3, Zer Zahav 2.

[25] Shulchan haTahor 6:4, Zer Zahav 5.

[26] See the Rif on b. Berakhot 6a; Mishneh Torah, Hilchot Berachot 8:12; Shulchan Arukh, Orach Chaim 210:2 and 209:3

[27] The actual reason for this principle, however, is fascinating. Many believe it is so as not to take G-d’s name in vain. However, the real reason (as I saw in Peninei Halacha) is out of deference to the Sages who carefully instituted such blessings. Its is their rulings that we do not want to slight and has nothing to do with taking G-d’s name in vain.

[28] Shulchan haTahor 46:3.

[29] Shulchan haTahor 6:4, Zer Zahav 4.

[30] Shulchan haTahor 46:1, Zer Zahav 2.

[31] Shulchan haTahor 68:2.

[32] Shulchan haTahor 66:6.

[33] Shulchan haTahor 46:2, Zer Zahav 1.

[34] Shulchan haTahor  1:3, Zer Zahav 7.

[35] Shulchan haTahor 94:3.

[36] b. Yevamot 64b.

[37] Notzer Chesed (Jerusalem: N.p., 1982), ch. 3, no. 4.

[38] Shulchan haTahor 262:8.

[39] Amud HaEmet p. 187, par 3. Translation mine.

Sunday, 5 July 2020

283) ‘MASHIACH NOW’ - OVER THE LAST 500 YEARS:


 
The Alhambra Decree expelling the Jews from Spain in 1492.

 - ESTABLISHING MESSIANIC STUDY CIRCLES IN THE AFTERMATH OF THE EXPULSION FROM SPAIN -

INTRODUCTION:

The Expulsion of the practising Jews from Spain was initiated by the Alhambra Decree which was issued on 31 March 1492 by the joint Catholic Monarchs of Castile and Aragon. The Jews were to have left Spanish soil by 31 July of that year.

The Expulsion from Spain had a tremendous bearing on a number of aspects of Jewish history. In this article, we will explore how it triggered an emphasis on redemptive and messianic fervour which was to become a theological mainstay of future Judaism. Of course, earlier Jewish literature had dealt with such matters, but after the Expulsion, it took on a new and elevated urgency.

I have drawn extensively from the research[1] of Professor Elisheva Carlebach of Columbia University who specializes in the cultural, intellectual, and religious history of the Jews in Early Modern Europe.

INTENSE MESSIANIC SCHOOLS WERE ESTABLISHED IN THE POST-EXPULSION ERA:

As an immediate spiritual reaction to the Expulsion, many intensely mystical and messianic schools, or yeshivot, were established in attempts at theurgically (through magical or supernatural means) bringing about a state of immediate redemption.

Professor Carlebach writes:

“Some of the most intense messianic spirituality was centered in the many yeshivot and study circles established in the period after the Expulsion for the express purpose of hastening the redemption.”

Besides both general Torah learning and the redemptive study circles in particular taking on an urgent and overt messianic accentuation, other aspects of Jewish life - including even the mundane politics within the expelled community - became spiritualized.[2] Everything was imbued with omnisignificance and messianic overtones.

HISTORY HAS OVERLOOKED THE BIRTH OF RADICAL MESSIANISM AFTER THE EXPULSION:

It is important to remember that these redemptive study circles were not just unique to the Spanish Jews of the post-Expulsion era, but they continued in one form or another to dominate the religious study landscape well into the future and their influence was later felt deep within Ashkenazic circles as well.

Carlebach shows how the influence of these Sephardic redemptive study circles spread to the Ashkenazic world and transformed their study ethos to also include a redemptive component. Torah study was no longer just about acquiring knowledge but it took on a pressing theurgic dimension as well. Fascinatingly, for some reason, this important development has been largely ignored by students of history.

According to Carlebach:

 “Of all the messianic pathways taken by Iberian [Spanish and Portuguese][3] Jews as a consequence of the persecutions and expulsions of the fifteenth century, this one has been least explored, although it lasted for centuries and spread beyond the Sephardic community...”

 “[T]he significance of messianism as a central and fundamental response to the Expulsion [from Spain][4] remains unremarked.”

THE DIFFERENCE BETWEEN SEPHARDIC AND ASHKENAZIC YESHIVOT:

The Sephardic yeshiva was often called a hesger which was a closed circle of not more than ten elite scholars. In a large community there would be many such study circles. While Ashkenazic rabbis usually sought positions of rabbinic leadership and authority, the Sephardic rabbis were more interested in the prestige that came with heading a redemptive study circle.

It is possible that this difference in the way each group asserted its authority was evidenced by the Ashkenazic rabbis sometimes being Halachically stricter than their Sephardic counterparts.

POSSIBLE ISLAMIC INFLUENCE:

Interestingly, Carlebach writes:

“Similar schools, circles, and voluntary societies, whose structure and function parallel those we have described, flourished in medieval Islam and may have contributed to the genesis or continuity of this form among the Sephardim.”[5]

FUNDING:

The funding for these study circles was from the wealthy within the communities who were happy to be able to contribute and thereby, they believed, vicariously gain a share in bringing about the anticipated messianic state of redemption.

CURRICULA:

These messianic study circles did not just study Torah but they developed specialized mystical curricula which would bring the redemption closer.

As mentioned, these circles were elitist and in the words of R. Raphael Treves:

“Our redemption...cannot be attained by the masses, only by the elite.”

The spread of Lurianic Kabbala (from the Ari Zal) also contributed to the messianic urgency as it imbued the study and practice of Torah with theurgical significance. And many practitioners within the study circles maintained that Kabbalah study should be elevated over traditional Talmudic study.[6]

Bear in mind that the Zohar, a foundation work of Jewish mysticism, had been published in Spain in around 1290, which in relative terms was not that long before the Expulsion, and by its nature would certainly have lent itself to messianic enterprises.

GEOGRAPHIC LOCATION:

While many believed that the Holy land was the ultimate geographical location to host messianic study circles, some maintained that centres within the Diaspora were crucial to prepare the world for the imminent messianic manifestation.[7] 

There was much debate over which particular region of the Holy Land was best suited for these messianic circles. Besides the obvious choice of Jerusalem, some preferred Safed (particularly during the 16th –century), Tiberius, Chevron and even Gaza. Actually, Safed was dominant as long as it held its strong economic position but, as soon as it lost that dominance, Jerusalem took over.

ABULAFIA:

In the 18th-century, the great mystic R. Chaim ben Moshe Abulafia (1660-1744) founded a yeshiva in Tiberius called Mashmia Yeshua (Harbinger of Redemption). He told the Jews of Tiberius that:

“[T]he messiah would soon arrive and come from the Sea of Galilee.”  

OHR HACHAIM:

R. Chaim Benattar (1696-1743), known as the Ohr haChaim, was attracted to Abulafia in Tiberius. He specifically wanted to establish a redemptive yeshiva to hasten the arrival of Messiah and he moved his Kabbalistic circle to Jerusalem. Some believe he was the inspirational model for the up-and-coming Chassidic movement.[8]

ESTABLISHING SETTLEMENTS IN THE HOLY LAND:

The Diaspora communities often supported the messianic yeshivot of the Holy Land. Only selected candidates qualified to be sent to the Holy Land. It was also very expensive to travel during the 18th-century, as the fare was twice the annual income needed to live in the Land of Israel.

AUSPICIOUS REDEMPTIVE DATES:

Carlebach writes:

“The attempts to establish redemptive centres of rabbinic scholarship [in the Holy Land] began with the first exiles [from Spain][9], and continued for centuries. They tended to cluster around certain redemptive dates, such as 1575, 1700-1706, and 1740...
Rabbinic circles were similarly established all over the Sephardic Diaspora, in Italy, North Africa, and the Ottoman Empire. While some were simply traditional centers of study, many had esoteric agendas which transformed their activities into intense theurgic dramas.“

FROM SMALL ELITIST GROUPS TO WIDER PARTICIPANTS:

The post-Expulsion messianic study circles continued to flourish for centuries into the future. Initially, they maintained their elitist nature but gradually, after being adopted to some degree by the Sabbateans - the followers of the false messiah Shabbatai Tzvi (1626-1676) - and later by the Chassidic movement, they opened up to the masses who were encouraged to participate in the enterprise of study for redemptive purposes. Thereafter, this messianic ethos slowly wound its way into the general mainstream.

SABBATEANS ADOPT THE SEPHARDIC STUDY CIRCLE MODEL:

Bear in mind that the Sabbateans were not just a fringe movement. Their numbers included up to half - if not more - of the Jewish population at that time. Many of their leaders were prominent rabbis and, after Shabbatai Tzvi was shown to be a false messiah and the movement went underground, it was very difficult to distinguish a secret Sabbatean from a mainstream religious Jew. The secret Sabbateans were known to have established secret cells. 


Carlebach writes:

“Many prominent Sabbateans, some with messianic pretensions of their own, planned to build redemptive yeshivot.” 

RABBI AVRAHAM ROVIGO:

During the time of the secret Sabbateans similar redemptive study circles were established in Jerusalem by R. Avraham Rovigo in 1702[10], and by R. Isaiah Hasid who established a ten-scholar Sabbatean yeshiva in Mannheim, Germany.[11]

RABBI RAPHAEL MORDEKHAI MALKHI:

Another example of this is the secret or crypto-Sabbatean, R. Raphael Mordechai Malkhi. Malkhi intended to make Jerusalem the centre of Sabbatean ideology and his primary tool for so doing was to establish a redemptive yeshiva.

Raphael Mordechai Malkhi wrote:

“At the end of days...they [the Jews of the Diaspora][12]  will establish a midrash [yeshiva] in Jerusalem of seventy scholars over them. The Lord will bring many settlers out of oppression who will cultivate the land...The era of this restoration...is the time of the approach of the redemption...The King Messiah will emerge from them.”[13]

RABBI AVRAHAM CARDOSA:

In 1703, another Sabbatean - R. Avraham Cardosa - who competed for authority with Malkhi, arrived in the Holy Land and also wanted to establish a redemptive yeshiva in Jerusalem. He was an interesting personality because he had lived as a Marrano in Spain until his twentieth year and then became a crypto-Sabbatean. He hired copyists to disseminate his writings in Jerusalem in order to counter the other Sabbatean literature which was popular there.

Cardosa wrote in no uncertain terms:

“In the Academy on High there are two yeshivot, one for Elijah and one for R. Simon bar Yohai. And I will establish a third one...for I possess a veritable treasury of esoteric lore.”[14]

The anti-Sabbatean Rabbinate of Jerusalem, however, blocked him from opening up his yeshiva in Jerusalem. In 1708, his student, Nechemya Hayon collected funds from Smyrna to establish a redemptive yeshiva in Israel but it was also blocked by the Rabbinate.

RABBI MORDECHAI ASHKENAZI:

During the 18th-century, another crypto-Sabbatean, R. Mordechai Ashkenazi wrote a work entitled Eshel Avraham (Terebinth of Abraham). He named the work after his teacher, R. Avraham Rovigo and writes that most of the ideas in the book were from Rovigo.

What is significant about Eshel Avraham is that it offers a window into the nature of these redemptive study circles. It quotes Rovigo as saying:

“The signs have now been revealed that this is the generation of King Messiah.”[15]

Carlebach writes:

“The curriculum proposed by the Sabbatians did not differ from that of many of their predecessors – they championed an almost exclusive reliance on kabbalistic texts, beginning with the Zohar, and particularly the study of Lurianic Kabbalah.”

However, what set them apart from the other redemptive yeshivot was their insistence that the study of Talmudic literature actually impeded the redemption.

Eshel Avraham explains that Moshe’s Torah from Sinai was not powerful enough to affect a full and permanent redemption, and it was only the Torah of R. Shimon bar Yochai - the alleged author of the Zohar - that could lead to a complete messianic redemption.[16]

Eshel Avraham continues to explain that there are three types of individuals who study Torah: 1) Those who just read it as a story. They are regarded as “the fools of the world.” 2) Then there are those on a slightly higher level who study “the principles of Torah.” 3) And then there are those on the highest level, who:

“penetrate the soul...Because Israel did not engage itself in Kabbalistic lore, but only in peshat [the simple or literal meaning of the words of the Torah][17], there can be no redemption unless the matter is rectified.”[18]

The Talmudic or Halachic study of Torah is compared to the bark of as tree, while the Kabbalah is the sap. Eshel Avraham issues a warning:

“Woe to those rabbis who eat of the husk of the Torah but don’t know its secrets.”[19]

ANALYSIS:

As Carlebach has pointed out, history has overlooked the fundamental and powerful influence of the messianic study circles that sprung up in the aftermath of the Expulsion.

These redemptive attempts at turning mystical study into theurgical catalysts for the dawning of the Messianic Era were the springboard from which many of the more modern messianic movements sprung.

What the redemptive study circles did after the Expulsion from Spain in the 15th-century, was to transform the traditional view of Torah study into an urgent and powerful tool to bring about the ‘immediate redemption’. It was a mystical attempt to ‘rectify’ the evils of the Expulsion.

This messianic ethos, almost like a manifesto, was then capitalized upon by the mystics of the 16th-century. They too had study circles and signed pledges of allegiance. [See Appendix to Sefer haTzoref link below.]

A similar mystical character and tenor was then adopted and reworked by the followers of Shabbatai Tzvi in the 17th-century.

The same thread found its way into the Chassidic Movement of the 18th-century which also had closed messianic study circles such as the Chevraya Kadisha of the Baal Shem Tov.

All of this was later appropriated to a large degree by the mainstream Jewish world during the 19th- century which similarly ascribed redemptive and messianic value to Torah Study.

This accounts, in no insignificant manner, for the popular messianism which dominated much of 20th century Judaism and continues to this day where - not just Torah study - but every event is somehow linked to the immediate redemption.


In a remarkable article published, surprisingly, in the Chareidi Mishpacha Magazine, Rabbi Aaron Lopiansky[20] wrote:

“We need to teach our children history. And that history needs to include much more than dry names and dates and stories of gedolim...

My first concern is our deep ignorance of Jewish history — or any history for that matter. It is simply mind-boggling to hear people state that ‘Never has anything like this happened before. This [Corona][21] virus must be heralding the coming of Mashiach!’...

The second source of distress is the current Mashiach fervor. Klal Yisrael has had many “Mashiach is here” moments. Read the excellent ‘Mashichei Hasheker U’misnagdeihem’ (all 700 pages) of Rabbi Binyomin Hamburger, and you will get a feel for how numerous and how destructive these movements were...”



FURTHER READING:




[Sefer haTzoref – Were these the ‘Secret Writings’ Which Had to be Hidden?] See Appendix for a ‘Pledge of Allegiance’ to ‘form a single company’, as found in the Stolin Geniza.




[1] Elisheva Carlebach, Rabbinic Circles as Messianic Pathways in the Post-Expulsion Era.
[2] Rachel Elior, Messianic Expectations and Spiritualization of Religious Life in the Sixteenth Century, 145:35-49. And; H.H. Ben-Sasson, Exile and Redemption in the Eyes of Spanish Exiles, pp. 216-227.
[3] Parenthesis mine.
[4] Parenthesis mine.
[5] See Joel L. Kraemer, Humanism in the Renaissance of Islam (Leiden 1986), p. 103.
[6] See Moshe Idel, Infinities of Torah in Kabbalah (New Haven 1986), pp. 141-157.
[7] See Elisheva Carlebach, Pursuit pp. 62-63. And: Elisheva Carlebach, “Redemption and Persecution”, pp. 19-20.
[8] Marc D. Angel, Voices in Exile: A Study of Sephardic Intellectual History (Hoboken 1991), pp. 89-94.
[9] Parentheses mine.
[10] Some accounts have it in 1701.
[11] Jacob Mann, The Settlement of the Kabbalist Abraham Rovigo and his Circle in Jerusalem in 1702, 6:10.
[12] Parenthesis mine.
[13] Y. Rivlin, The Proposal of Rabbi Raphael Mordekhai Malkhi to Establish a Yeshiva in Jerusalem as a Center for Jewry [Heb.], p. 46.
[14] Elijah Kohen, Sefer Meribat Kadesh, in Inyanei Shabtai Zevi (Berlin 1912). Pp. 18-19.
[15] Eshel Avraham 5b.
[16] Eshel Avraham 3a.
[17] Parenthesis mine.
[18] Eshel Avraham 3a-3b.
[19] Eshel Avraham 5a.
[20] Rabbi Lopiansky is the Rosh HaYeshiva of the Yeshiva of Greater Washington.
[21] Parenthesis mine.