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Showing posts with label Ari Zal. Show all posts
Showing posts with label Ari Zal. Show all posts

Sunday, 8 June 2025

513) Secret Mystical and Chassidic societies

The Pledge of Allegiance between the students of the Ari zal (as found in the Stolin Geniza)

Introduction

This article—based extensively on the research by Rabbi Dr Zvi Leshem[1]—examines several secret mystical societies from biblical times to pre-war Europe, with a particular focus on the secretive group established by R. Kalonymus Kalmish (Kalman) Shapira of Piasecnzo (Piasetzna) (1889-1943). 

Secret mystical circles and societies are not well-known in Judaism, but they have always existed. 

Biblical times

The Torah describes the Benei haNevi’im (Sons of the Prophets) who were groups of disciples of prophets like Samuel, Eliyahu and Elisha (see 2 Kings 2:3, 4:1, 6:1 for example). These groups, while not necessarily secretive, played a significant role in preserving prophetic traditions and maintaining spiritual teachings during times of idolatry and apostasy. They used mystical techniques including meditation and even music to train in prophetic inspiration (Leshem 2021:112). 

Sunday, 7 July 2024

 

478) 'Fixing' broken Messiahs

The extreme messianic mysticism of the students of the Vilna Gaon (Part II)

 

Kitvei haGramam, recently published writings of R. Menachem Mendel of Shklov

Introduction

This article is a continuation of the previous post and deals with the surprising and extreme messianic mysticism of the students of the Vilna Gaon. It is a technical excursus into the Kabbalah of the Mitnagdim and it shows their conceptualisations surrounding the possibility that the Vilna Gaon was the Messiah and part of his messianic mission was ‘fix’ the previous ‘broken’ Messiahs including the Christian Messsiah as well as Shabbatai Tzvi. It makes liberal use of coded gershaim (inverted commas) and germatria (numerical values) because, as the reader will soon see, these topics are sensitive if not audacious, especially as they were written in the aftermath of the false Messiah Shabbatai Tzvi. This Kabbalah resembles the writing style of another Lithuanian mystic, R. Heshil Tzoref.

Sunday, 30 October 2022

403) Hillel Baal Shem Ra: the Master of the Evil Name.

 

Petrovsky-Shtern discovers the Sefer haCheshek

Introduction

Many are familiar with the Baal Shem Tov (Master of the Good name) but who was the Baal Shem Ra (Master of the Evil name)? I have drawn extensively from the research by Professor Yohanan Petrovsky-Shtern,[1] who in 1993, whilst senior librarian at the Vernadsky Library in Kiev, discovered an unusual manuscript, entitled Sefer haCheshek.

Sunday, 22 August 2021

349) WHY BLOW 100 SHOFAR SOUNDS ON ROSH HASHANAH?


A GUEST POST BY RABBI BARUCH CLINTON:

Here's another example of the innovation-heavy Tzfas mindset at work in modern Jewish life.
The way most communities perform the mitzva of shofar on Rosh Hashana is an excellent example of the spread of the Tzfas ideology and mindset. Here, based on Shulchan Aruch Orech Chaim 590:1, is what the Torah requires:

כמה תקיעות חייב אדם לשמוע בר"ה, תשע; לפי שנאמר: תרועה ביובל ובר"ה ג' פעמים, וכל תרועה פשוטה לפניה ופשוטה לאחריה, ומפי השמועה למדו שכל תרועות של חדש השביעי אחד הן, בין בר"ה בין ביוה"כ של יובל, תשע תקיעות תוקעין בכל אחד משניהם: תר"ת, תר"ת, תר"ת

How many tekiyos must a man hear on Rosh Hashana? Nine, for it mentions the word “terua" three times (in the passages concerning) Yovel and Rosh Hashana, and each terua must have a simple sound (i.e., tekiya) both before and after it. And from tradition we learn that all teruos during the seventh month (i.e., Tishrei) are the same…tekiya-terua-tekiya; tekiya-terua-tekiya; tekiya-terua-tekiya.

Sunday, 7 February 2021

313) THE BEGINNINGS OF THE FINAL RITUALS:

 

Ma'avar Yabbok by R. Aaron Berechia of Modena (d.1639) - a book with prayers for the ill the deceased.

INTRODUCTION:

During the 16th and 17th centuries, new rituals and liturgy relating to sickness and dying were introduced to Judaism. In this article, based extensively on the research by Professor Avriel Bar-Levav[1], we will look at how these rituals were first innovated. The intention is not to dwell on uncomfortable matters but rather to show the mechanics of how customs are sometimes brought into Jewish practice from various sources.

 

1) “DYING BY THE BOOK”[2]:

Bar-Levav points out that:

 [a]lthough Jewish mourning rituals were already highly developed early in the rabbinic era, structure was not imparted to the deathbed setting itself until the early modern period.

Sunday, 24 January 2021

311) THE EMERGENCE OF CHARISMATIC JUDAISM:

 

The Pledge of Allegiance to R. Chaim Vital effectively making him the keeper of the secrets of the Ari Zal.

INTRODUCTION:

From around the sixteenth century, rabbinic leadership experienced a dramatic change. No longer were the credentials of leadership solely based on knowledge and erudition. Now leadership became largely defined by personal charisma.

This does not mean that knowledge played no role at all, but it does mean that it was no longer the main criterion.

In this article, based extensively on the work by Professor Morris Faierstein[1], we shall explore some of the effects of this change in the style of rabbinic leadership.

Saturday, 7 November 2020

301) HOW KABBALAH ‘GOES BACK’ TO FIX A TORAH NARRATIVE:

1906 edition of Eits haDa'at Tov by R. Chaim Vital.
INTRODUCTION:

One often tends to view kabbalistic thought as if it were a homogenous ancient tradition passed down faithfully from generation to generation without any additions or innovations. This article, based extensively on the research and thought[1] of Professor Shaul Magid, we explore how R. Chaim Vital Calebrese of Safed (1543-1620) - considered to be the main student of the Ari[2] - may have used his experience of contemporary realities to innovate aspects of his mystical ideology.

These ideas are found in R. Chaim Vital’s less examined work, Eits haDa’at Tov, which remained in manuscript form until 1871. Key to the work is his novel interpretation of the biblical community which accompanied the Israelites in the desert, known as the Eirev Rav, or mixed multitude (Ex. 12:38). Later rabbinic literature - and more relevant to our study, zoharic literature -  ascribed much blame to the Eirev Rav who were described as a negative influence on the Jewish people. R. Chaim Vital’s novel approach to this traditional negative view of the Eirev Rav is of particular interest.[3]

16th CENTURY CONVERSOS BECOME THE NEW EIREV RAV:

Following the expulsion of the Jews from Spain and Portugal after 1492, marranos and conversos (Jews who had converted to Catholicism and were looking to return to their faith) had moved westwards into Europe and many had gone to Eretz Yisrael and particularly to Safed. The population of Safed had swelled and within one particular year, the village turned into a town which now had the largest Jewish community in Ottoman Syria, with over 1000 families. Many conversos were hoping to become reabsorbed within the Jewish community, claiming that their previous conversion to Christianity had been under duress - but the Jews were not sure how to deal with them.[4]

Although many rabbis did not trust the sincerity of these conversos, R. Chaim Vital championed their cause and even developed a kabbalistic theology to help their reinstation as Jews. In fact, he went even further by showing how integral the conversos were to the scheme of messianic redemption.

This notion of messianic redemption was very much the theological vogue of the mystics of Safed, particularly under the R. Yitzchak Luria (1534-1572) known as the Ari (or Arizal).[5] The atmosphere of Safed was rich with messianic tension and both the Ari and his student R. Chaim Vital had expressed their claims to the role of Messiah. The appearance of a multitude of conversos in Safed played into the hands of this messianic drama because they were equated to the Eirev Rav of biblical times, who also didn’t know if they were non-Jews or Jews or somewhere in between.

R. Chaim Vital records that the Ari confirmed that the conversos were indeed the spiritual equivalent of the Eirev Rav and it was his (R. Chaim Vital’s) duty to facilitate their absorption back into Judaism and Torah.[6]

R. CHAIM VITAL’S VIEWS ON THE EIREV RAV ARE IN CONTRADISTINCTION TO THE ZOHAR:

R. Chaim Vital’s comparison of conversos to the Eirev Rav, produced what Magid refers to as a “counter-narrative” to the hitherto negative manner in which traditional rabbinic literature - and significantly the Zohar - portrayed the biblical mixed multitude. The Eirev Rav were often blamed and made a scapegoat for the sins of the Israelites. The Zohar goes so fas as to say that the Eirev Rav were evil, dangerous, and even demonic.

However, the new Lurianic narrative found redemptive features and qualities within the Eirev Rav and, by extension, within the conversos. The ancient Eirev Rav had finally been mystically vindicated and that was to become the model through which to deal with the matter of contemporary conversos.

The radical significance of this vindication should not be lost, particularly because it stood out against the foundational mystical work, the Zohar.

MYSTICAL POLITICS?

Why was there suddenly such an unusual about-face in an ancient mystical interpretation of the Eirev Rav? Considering the relatively large numbers of conversos who had descended upon the mystical town of Safed, it not impossible that there was not some form of political consideration at play.

Magid points out that although a mystic, R. Chaim Vital was also concerned about and involved in communal affairs and “held strong opinions on important matters”. The Eirev Ravmay have been a vehicle for fashioning new identities, perhaps proto-messianic identities”. Historical documents show how Rabbinic courts in Safed were continuously dealing with such matters of Jewish identity at that time.[7]

Magid shows how:

“Vital was indeed invested in the realia of his world, especially on the issue of the conversos, and used his exegetical skills to convey his position on this matter under the guise of his metaphysical or, in this case, kabbalistic-exegetical writings.”

The Eirev Rav and the conversos, although separated by thousands of years, had dimensions that were similar to each other. The Eirev Rav been present at the revelation at Sinai and the conversos had once been Jews, but both were not entirely regarded as a fully-fledged Jewish community.

THE TIKKUN:

The ‘re-judaization’ of the conversos and accepting then back within the Jewish fold was to be one of the final steps in the process of bringing about the messianic age that was expected to have been immanent. A tikkun or rectification of the how the Eirev Rav was viewed and treated in the past was to be effected through a new approach by absorbing the conversos back into Judaism.

Now, as a pre-requisite to the final redemption, the Safed mystics were going to rectify the failed biblical mission of the Eirev Rav and finally bring them home through the guise of the conversos.

R. CHAIM VITAL’S INNOVATIVE INTERPRETATION OF THE EIREV RAV:

The Eirev Rav and its converso counterparts (or reincarnations) were explained to have existed in a spiritual twilight zone. R. Chaim Vital said that at Sinai they experienced (or ‘saw’) the G-d’s voice, or kol but did not hear or understand the words, or dibbur.[8] Magid describes their position as having “a claim to and a stake in the covenant while not being fully a part of it”.

THE EIREV RAV’S DEPENDENCE ON MOSHE:

Because the Eirev Rav did not have the same status as the Jewish people they felt like, what Magid terms, “excluded insiders”. R. Chaim Vital evokes compassion for their spiritual plight as they want to be part of the people but G-d turns them away at every opportunity and seems only concerned about His people. It was only on the insistence of Moshe that the Eirev Rav remained.

According to R. Chaim Vital’s Eits haDa’at Tov:

[The Eirev Rav][9] said to Moses, ‘‘We do not, God forbid, disbelieve!’’ This is because it [revelation] had already become certain for them (nit’amet lahem). They said, ‘‘We acknowledge the truth of God and his Torah, and we also know that we are not fit like Israel to receive it. Yet we are also not, God forbid, equal to the other nations because we have converted….For this reason we should have a higher status from all the other nations. That is, we received the Torah through you [Moses]. [10]

On this view, an interesting shift took place after the Sinai experience. The Jews became less dependent on Moshe while the Eirev Rav became more dependent on him.

Know that God took Israel out of Egypt. This is not the case with the ‘erev rav, who were taken out by Moses, as it says, who you took out of the Land of Egypt (Ex 32.7). It does not say ‘‘I [God] took them [the ‘erev rav] out.’’ Therefore the ‘erev rav are called ‘‘Moses’ people’’ . . . They are no worse than the other nations, in fact, they are better since they came [out] in order to convert…[11]

THE GOLDEN CALF BECOMES UNDERSTANDABLE:

According to R. Chaim Vital, while not condoning it, the incident with the Golden Calf becomes somewhat justifiable. In order to understand this, one must be aware of the complicated and intimate relationship that developed between Moshe Rabbeinu and the Eirev Rav. He even calls the Eirev Rav the ‘Am shel Moshe’, or Moshe’s people.[12] The Torah also says that G-d told Moshe to go down the mountain because his (Moshe’s) people had sinned.[13]

Many commentaries understand that the Golden Calf affair occurred because the Jewish people were afraid that Moshe had perhaps died on Sinai, or even abandoned his people. After all, he delayed to come down. However, the Zohar understands that it was the Eirev Rav and not the Israelites who were most concerned about Moshe. This difference comes about depending on how one reads the following verse from Shemot (32:1):

וַיַּ֣רְא הָעָ֔ם כִּֽי־בֹשֵׁ֥שׁ מֹשֶׁ֖ה לָרֶ֣דֶת מִן־הָהָ֑ר וַיִּקָּהֵ֨ל הָעָ֜ם עַֽל־אַהֲרֹ֗ן וַיֹּאמְר֤וּ אֵלָיו֙ ק֣וּם ׀ עֲשֵׂה־לָ֣נוּ אֱלֹהִ֗ים אֲשֶׁ֤ר יֵֽלְכוּ֙ לְפָנֵ֔ינוּ כִּי־זֶ֣ה ׀ מֹשֶׁ֣ה הָאִ֗ישׁ אֲשֶׁ֤ר הֶֽעֱלָ֙נוּ֙ מֵאֶ֣רֶץ מִצְרַ֔יִם לֹ֥א יָדַ֖עְנוּ מֶה־הָ֥יָה לֽוֹ׃

When the people saw that Moses was so long in coming down from the mountain, the people gathered against Aaron and said to him, “Come, make us a god who shall go before us, for that man Moses, who brought us from the land of Egypt—we do not know what has happened to him.”

Most commentaries take “the people” to refer to the Israelites. The Zohar takes it to refer to the Eirev Rav, and as mentioned, viewed them as a demonic entity because they built the calf.

R. Chaim Vital bases himself on this zoharic interpretation but rejects that they were irretrievably evil. They just need the intermediary effect of their leader, Moshe – while the Israelites would have been able to carry on even had Moshe died on the mountain.

According to Eits haDa’at Tov:

They [the Isrealites] already heard the voice of God in the Ten Commandments and they already entered into a covenant and oath with God. This covenant would not have collapsed with Moses’ death…

[The Eirev Rav knew that] God wanted to reject them. It was only Moses who accepted them against God’s wishes . . .

[The Eirev Rav][14] immediately approached Aaron and said Come make us a god [elohim] who shall go before us . . . (Ex 32.1) because Aaron was a partner with Moses in taking them out.[15]

The Eirev Rav need a Moshe more than the Israelites. Their spiritual existence depended upon the intermediary support and intervention of a Moshe, an Aharon or…a Golden Calf to defend them (perhaps even from G-d) until Moshe returned.

Eits haDa’at Tov continues recording the view of the Eirev Rav:

This is not for the purpose of idolatry; God Forbid, we only desire the living God. The calf is a likeness [of the divine] like the Tabernacle, and the cherubim with human faces, where I [God] will dwell . . . Therefore, the reason [for the calf] is that when Moses was here (kayam) he protected us like a merciful father. He was, for us, like an elohim.[16]

R. Chaim Vital supports the Eirev Rav further by arguing that they only experienced the voice of God but not his words, and therefore did not hear the commandment against making images. For this reason, the Golden Calf was not their transgression! This is why Aharon agreed to assist them.

Ultimately, R. Chaim Vital agrees that they sinned, but only when they tried to equate their status with that of Israel. In other words, their sin was not the calf but that they tried to draw Israel into the worship of G-d through the agency of intermediaries. They could use intermediaries, but not Israel. Had they simply worshipped the calf, even as an Elohim or intermediary, while making a distinction between the intermediary and G-d, it would have not been a tragic event.

Once Israel worships Elohim through any elohim, they refute their unique status and relationship to God as YHVH and, by extension, diminish their experience at Sinai to the experience of the ‘erev rav.[17]

DRAWING ISRAEL INTO SIN:

The Eirev Rav draw Israel into the sin of worshipping the Golden Calf (according to the Midrash). R. Chaim Vital develops a theology as to why they did so. Since the Eirev Rav were desperately trying to become part of the people, they had to show that the Israelites were no better than them.

REPLACEMENT THEOLOGY:

The style of mystical literature in general and the Zohar, in particular, may be termed replacement theology. This means that Moshe in the story of the Eirev Rav may be replaced by the Moshe of the generation. Accordingly, R. Chaim Vital, with his messianic ambitions would be the new Moshe who champions the new Eirev Rav, or conversos.

Thus the essence of the Eirev Rav remained hidden and dormant until the time just before redemption. Then, as a tikkun and prerequisite to the revelation of the Messiah, they must finally be absorbed back into the Jewish fold.

The Zohar, in principle, even hints at such notion:

[T]he problem of the ‘erev rav will be resolved when Moses returns.’[18]

Magid emphasises this point very poignantly:

Paradoxically, it is the excluded insiders (the ‘erev rav / the conversos) who carry the weight of redemption. By shedding their status of exclusion and by Israel acknowledging their covenantal importance, the final stage of exile comes to a close.

THE LOST REMNANT OF MOSHE:

This was the time when Safed was the centre of a messianic fervour (that later went on to contribute to the fever of messianism of Shabbatai Tzvi[19] who was born just six years after R. Chaim Vital’s passing).

R. Chaim Vital took this replacement theology very seriously. The connection between Moshe and the Eirev Rav existed in the physical world because in the spiritual world the two were part of the same fallen soul of Adam. Thus Moshe and the Eirev Rav were inextricably attached to each other. Moshe showed compassion to the Eirev Rav because they were a part of his own spiritual makeup. Additionally, he too was raised in Egypt and he understood them as they were also largely Egyptians. He was, on this view, simply returning a lost component of his own soul to Judaism. And the corollary is also true because the Eirev Rav needed Moshe just as much, as he was their only gateway to G-d and tikkun. If the Eirev Rav were a part of Moshe, they were also a part of G-d and His people. Moshe was bent on helping the Eirev Rav convert fully because they were a lost part of his soul.

R. Chaim Vital develops this notion more by saying that the Eirev Rav were the negative part of Moshe’s soul (because after Adam sinned, all the souls that came from his root contained a mixture of good and evil).

Moshe had to return and fix his Eirev Rav for his mission to be completed. Magid describes this as “the struggle for Moses to reunite the lost remnants of his soul in order to fulfill his role as the archetypal Jewish leader—that is, the Messiah.”

This is why Moshe felt more responsibility for the Eirev Rav than for the Israelites.[20]

[Later, the Sabbatian ideologue, R. Abraham Miguel Cardozo (1627–1706), who was also a converso and student of Nathan of Gaza, writes, ‘‘In the future Messiah the King will don the garments of a Marrano, and on account of that the Jews will not recognize him.’’][21]

This idea of ‘fixing’ the negative is also found in another of R. Chaim Vital’s writing, Sha’ar haGilgulim, where he mentions that lofty souls like Avraham, David and even converts can dodge the negative kelipot, by being born through sin.[22]

CONVERSOS BECOME THE NEW EIREV RAV:

We have seen how R. Chaim Vital intertwines the fate of the Eirev Rav with the fate of Moshe. Interestingly, both[23] die in the desert and neither reach the land of Israel – their missions uncompleted.

It is most likely that R. Chaim Vital is speaking in metaphor and alluding to his role as a Moshe in supporting the new Eirev Rav, the conversos.

In the ensuing messianic drama playing out in Safed, it appears that the influx of conversos could now rectify and complete the work started in biblical times. These souls had been in limbo since the time of Moshe, waiting for a historical opportunity to replay and rectify the ancient events. Although Eits haDa’at Tov does not specifically mention conversos, it seems that this is its message and R. Chaim Vital can assume his role of Moshe/Messiah and finally fix the soul of Adam by reconnecting the lost Eirev Rav to Moshe - and the covenant at Sinai is remedied and restored.

ANALYSIS:

Technically we must remember that the Torah only tells us that the Eirev Rav left Egypt during the Exodus. 

The Midrash adds that they were present at Sinai.

Medieval commentary informs us that they caused Isreal to serve the Golden Calf soon thereafter. 

The Zohar presents the evil and demonic character of the Eirev Rav.

Now Lurianic Kabbalah adds another layer where not only is the biblical narrative amplified and enhanced - but essentially rewritten as playing out in the present with the promise of a  retroactive tikkun and rectification of the original events of the past. 



[1] Shaul Magid, The Politics of (Un)Conversion: The ‘‘Mixed Multitude’’ (‘Erev Rav) as Conversos in Rabbi Hayyim Vital’s ‘Ets Ha-Da’at Tov.

[2] See The Battle for the Soul of the Arizal, in Root Causes of the Sabbatian Movement,.

[3] It must be pointed out that Magid describes his analysis of Eits haDa’at Tov, as a “speculative leap” because the work does not directly equate the Eirev Rav to conversos. However, based on a literary reading of the text and being cognitive of the historical context, the “leap” may not be so “speculative” considering that the work follows the typical Kabbalistc style of writing where the ‘intelligent will understand’.

[6] R. Chaim Vital, Sefer haChezyonot, Aescoli edition, 1954, p. 222

[7] Werblowsky, Joseph Karo: Lawyer and Mystic (New York and Oxford, 1962).

[8]Although in a very different context, Rambam uses a similar description to differentiate between what Moshe experienced and what the Israelites experienced at Sinai. See The Guide of the Perplexed, 2.33, p. 364, Pines’s edition (Chicago, 1963).

[9] Parenthesis mine.

[10] Eits haDa’at Tov, 77c.

[12] See also the Zohar 1.25a.

[13] Ex. 23:7.

[14] Parentheses mine.

[17] Eits haDa’at Tov, 106d. For more on the distinction between Elokim, Havaya and Ein Sof see the paragraph The Coded Wording of R. Eibeschuetz's anti-Sabbatian Ban in Unimaginable Writings of R. Yonatan Eibeschuetz (and follow the other links provided there).

[18] Zohar 2.181b.

[19] See link in note 4.

[20] Eits haDa’at Tov, 173a.

[21] Inyane Shabbatai Zevi, ed. A. Friedman (Berlin, 1912), 88.

[22] Sha’ar haGilgulim, Introduction 38, p. 369, ed. Bnei Aaron. This concept, too, was taken up by the Sabbatians, although to a far greater extent than it was probably meant.

[23] That is, those of the Eirev Rav who did not get absorbed into the Israelites.

Sunday, 1 November 2020

300) THE ORIGINS OF A LATECOMER DAVENING IN FULL AT THE EXPENSE OF RECITING THE AMIDAH WITH THE COMMUNITY:

 

The Portuguese Synagogue or Esnoga of Amsterdam, completed in 1675.

INTRODUCTION:

Tefilah betzibur, or praying together with a community - in a minyan - has long been considered a Halachic virtue. But what happens when a member of the community arrives at the synagogue late?

In such a situation, Halacha prescribes a basic ‘order of priority’ in which some ‘lesser’ prayers and psalms may be left out so that the latecomer can recite the more important Shmoneh Esrei, or Amidah, together with the congregation.

Over time, however, a new mystically-based practice emerged whereby the latecomer simply followed the full order of the davening – so as not to ‘disturb the spiritual channels of the prayers’. On this view, the davening is only effective when one follows their precise and complete order. Still today, some groups of Chassidim for example, continue to follow this practice (and I must say, so did I).

In this article, based extensively on the research of Professor Matt Goldish[1], we shall explore the origins of this practice, which appears to fly in the face of the normative Halachic protocols for prayer.

THE 1706 CONTROVERSY IN AMSTERDAM:

Our story begins in the Portuguese synagogue in Amsterdam in 1706, where a certain R. David Mendes da Silva arrived late for the prayer service. David Mendes da Silva continued his davening in the usual order without omitting parts of the ‘less important’ pesukei de zimrah and thus did not recite the Shmoneh Esrei together with the other congregants.

While this may not appear to have been a major catastrophe - and in many synagogues today such a practice would hardly be remarkable - for that close-knit Portuguese synagogue in Amsterdam in 1706 which took its communal practices very seriously, it was considered a radical (if not subversive) departure from known and expected Halachic standards.

Another congregant present at that service, Nathan Curiel, witnessed this event and was clearly troubled by it. He questioned the recalcitrant worshipper as to the reasons for his divergent course of action. This was the era of conversos and secret Sabbatians who had infiltrated the mainstream community and any strange religious actions would have immediately aroused some suspicion.

David Mendes da Silva didn’t hesitate to respond that his actions were indeed better than the prescriptions presented in the popular law of the Shulchan Aruch of R. Yosef Karo (1488-1575). He explained that the reason why it was more important to keep to the full order of the prayers was because that was what the Zohar prescribed - and this held true even if one had to forgo the opportunity to pray the Shmoneh Esrei with the community.

R. YITZCHAK SASPORTAS GETS INVOLVED:

Nathan Curiel duly brought the matter to the attention of R. Yitzchak Sasportas, who although holding no official position in the community, was a respected Kabbalist and Halachist. He was also the son of the famed and fierce anti-Sabbatian R. Yakov Sasportas, who had previously exposed much disruptive Sabbatian activity and had been associated with that same Portuguese synagogue.

The details of this unfolding controversy are recorded in the book Siach Yitzchak written by R. Yitzchak Sasportas. He made every effort not draw individual names into the public arena and therefore used the pseudonyms Reuven and Shimon (instead of David Mendes da Silva and Nathan Curiel whose letters of correspondence are reflected in the work under those pseudonyms).

THE DEBATE BECOMES A CONTROVERSY:

The debate that started in the Portuguese synagogue in 1706 took an interesting turn when R. Yitzchak Sasportas noted that he had never come across this alleged view of the Zohar that it is proper to follow the full order of the prayers even if it means that one will not recite the Shmoneh Esrei with the congregation.

R. Sasportas also made mention of the principle that no mystical teachings from whatever source, may ever get in the way of Halacha. Halacha is not supposed to be derived from Midrashic or mystical material [although this is not always the case, see A Mystical Side to R. Yosef Karo].

Soon, this event and the ensuing discussion flamed into a full-blown controversy that was to perpetuate for the next fourteen years. R. Yitzchak Sasportas records in his book that the lay leaders of the community eventually decided to settle the matter by submitting to adjudication by the ‘sages who sit in judgement’ and they sided with him. It seems that the ‘sages’ was a reference to R. Tzvi Hirsch Ashkenazi, known as the Chacham Tzvi – the father of R. Yakov Emden, one of the most prolific anti-Sabbatians and exposes of their infiltration within the mainstream Jewish communities. The Chacham Tzvi had so many altercations with suspected Sabbatian elements in Amsterdam, including its rabbi, Shlomo Aailion, that he (the Chacham Tzvi) was eventually forced to leave the city [see Nechemia Chiyun].

This case is also apparently recorded and corroborated in the responsa of the Chacham Tzvi referring to an incident which took place in Holland in 1706:

Two people came to the synagogue while the cantor was reciting the introductory psalms. One skipped through the introductory psalms as the posqim of blessed memory recommend, in order to recite [the 'Amidah] with the congregation. The other began with the start of the morning blessings, reciting [the psalms] in order, and did not recite [the 'Amidah] with the congregation, claiming that this was the opinion of R. Shimon bar Yohai in the Zohar, Parshat Be-midbar. Tell us, teacher, which is preferable.”[2]

Again, interestingly, no names are mentioned but Goldish is convinced that this responsum is referring to our case in the Portuguese synagogue in Amsterdam in 1706.

In the meantime, the main player in the story, the latecomer David Mendes da Silva found himself - after a series of many warnings - excommunicated for a period of two weeks as a result of his insistence on following the ‘full order of the prayers and not joining in with the community. This disproportionately severe measure was obviously an indication of something far larger at stake.[3]

THE INTERFACE BETWEEN KABBALAH AND HALACHA:

Goldish explains that there are many examples of cases similar to the da Silva-Curiel controversy, where Kabbalah is pitted against Halacha. A well-known case in point would be the debate over wearing Tefillin during Chol HaMoed, where again traditional Halachic norms find themselves challenged by the newer innovations of the Zohar. In that debate, Chassidim take their cue from the Zohar and do not wear Tefillin during the intermediate days of a festival, while traditionalists do.

The Tefillin on Chol haMoed case, however, does have an explicit and clear source in the Zohar (which is not necessarily a license to override Halacha). But the apparent ‘source’ in the Zohar for David Mendes da Silva’s actions regarding the ‘full order of the prayers’ overriding the Halachic injunction to pray as a community, is rather tenuous, to say the least.

THE ‘CUSTOM OF THE ZOHAR’:

Let us now look at David Mendes da Silva’s source in the Zohar, where at the end of Parshat BeMidbar, the structure of the prayers is said to correspond to a cosmic structure within the universe:

Man, in entering the synagogue, first cleanses himself by the [recital of the regulations concerning the] sacrifices; then he accepts upon himself the heavenly yoke by the recital of the hymns of King David. Then comes the prayer said sitting, which corresponds to the arm-phylactery, followed by the prayer said standing, which corresponds to the head-phylactery. So prayer is made up of both action and speech, and when the action is faulty speech does not find a spot to rest in; such a prayer is not prayer, and the man offering it is defective in the upper world and the lower.[4]

While the Zohar does describe prayer as comprising both an “action and speech” and emphasises that without either it is considered “defective”, it does not unequivocally pronounce on the idea that the entire prayer service must be recited in its exact order even at the expense of missing out on reciting the Shemona Esrei together with the congregation.

Furthermore, R. Yitzchak Sasportas points out that no one prior to David Mendes da Silva had ever suggested that this Zohar permitted people to renege on the requirement to say the Shmoneh Esrei together, just so that they can say Pesukei deZimra in its order.

According to R. Sasportras, the only time we find an opening to perhaps follow a teaching from the Zohar as a Halacha, is where either the Talmud or earlier Halachic authorities remain silent or undecided on a matter. This was not the case here, as Halacha clearly prescribed leaving out some of the prayers so that the Shmoneh Esrei can be said together as a community.

CHOOSING ZOHAR OVER HALACHA:

Goldish shows that Sasprotas’ last point of the supremacy of Halacha over Kabbalah was by no means universally accepted and that some Spanish rabbis believed in the supremacy of the Zohar under all circumstances, no matter the prescribed Halacha.

This is why David Mendes da Silva actually had a point when he wrote:

"Anywhere the posqim differ with R. Shimon bar Yohai [i.e., the Zohar], and no compromise can be made between them, we follow R. Shimon bar Yohai."[5]

David Mendes da Silva goes even further by bringing a surprising prooftext from the Beit Yosef  which was written by R. Yosef Karo himself who later went on to author the Shulchan Aruch:

"... we do not abandon the words of the Zohar for the words of the posqim."[6]

At first glance, this seems like a powerful support for David Mendes da Silva as even the author of the Shulchan Aruch agrees that we follow the Zohar over codified Halacha!

However, Sasportas is quick to note that da Silva omitted to quote the particular context and the full sentence from R. Yosef Karo which began:

"Since this law is not stated explicitly in the Talmud, we do not abandon the words of the Zohar for the words of the posqim." [7]

In other words, David Mendes da Silva had quoted out of context and only quoted half a sentence which anyway related to another matter entirely. Thus, Sasportas concludes that under normal circumstances where we do know the Halacha, we do not rule by the Zohar if it contradicts that Halacha.

On the other hand, the question of leaving out the psalms section of the davening, known as Pesukei deZimra, is not dealt with in the Talmud. It is first spoken about much later, during the Gaonic Period (589-1038). This means that technically – because it is not discussed in the Talmud – it might be possible to argue that we can choose to follow the Zohar on this matter. The problem is that, as mentioned, the Zohar does not explicitly suggest that a latecomer must recite the full Pesukei deZimra and miss out on saying the Shmoneh Esrei with the community. The Zohar discusses the cosmic importance of prayer in its proper order but it does not actively prescribe the setting aside of the communal Shmoneh Esrei for such ends.

THE SIDDUR HA’ARI:

More than a century before David Mendes da Silva, the Siddur of the Ari Zal (1534-1572) cited the very mystical work, Maggid Mesharim of R. Yosef Karo:

"The maggid [heavenly teacher] warned the Bet Yosef [i.e., R. Karo][8] to come to the synagogue very early, so that he would be able to pray in order and without omitting, because the one who does so confounds the conduits [of heavenly influence].”

Perhaps this could serve as a source for the custom?

Here again, the cosmic order of the prayers is indeed emphasised but there is no instruction to actively invalidate the injunction to recite the Shmoneh Esrei as a community. On the contrary, according to this account, R. Karo was specifically told to come to synagogue early in order to say the Shmoheh Esrei with the congregation.

This is significant because, notwithstanding ‘confounding the heavenly conduits’, R. Yosef Karo still went on to rule that Halachically a latecomer must shorten the prayers because it is more important to say the Shmoneh Esrei as a community.

DAVID MENDES DA SILVA’S ARGUMENT:

David Mendes da Silva held fast to his own argument that the Zohar was the source for this important practice. He persisted to say that R. Yosef Karo never saw that section of the Zohar that he (da Silva) claimed was the source of the practice to complete the prayers in their order and not recite the Shmoneh Esrei together with the community. Either that or, alternatively, da Silva suggests that R. Yosef Karo saw it but forgot it.[11]

‘HAPHAZARD’ PRINCIPLES REGARDING THE DERIVATION OF HALACHA FROM THE ZOHAR:

Notwithstanding all these theoretical principles, Goldish cites Jacob Katz who notes that practically, the principles relating to the derivation of Halacha from the Zohar are not as clearcut as we might imagine. In reality, these guidelines are very much disorganized, or as Katz put it, “haphazard[9]

"At times the religious precept, rite, or custom interpreted by the kabbalist seems to have been his own creation, as no obvious source of a halakhic nature is in evidence to support it."[10]

PUSHBACK AGAINST DA SILVA’S INNOVATION:

R. Yitzchak Sasportas was very worried about David Mendes da Silva’s innovation becoming widespread. He wrote:

"If he [da Silva] found a pomegranate, he discarded the inside and ate the shell."

Goldish explains:

“Sasportas is saying, in effect, that da Silva has chosen a dangerous teacher, the kabbalah, but instead of accepting the useful teachings and avoiding what is dangerous, he has done the opposite….

He explicitly states his concern that da Silva will cause the masses to be lax in synagogue attendance and punctuality.”

Sasportas was particularly concerned that this innovation which he rightfully feared would become a popular practice, originated from an unlearned individual. David Mendes da Silva was not known as a Kabbalist or a Halachist. Goldish describes him as a minor local rabbi.

Sasportas does not attempt to hide his disapproval of the personality of David Mendes da Silva, who he says has disingenuously ‘wrapped himself in tallit that is not his’ by assuming undeserved Halachic authority:

“You thought to wrap yourself in a tallit which was not yours and to act arrogantly before the common people, as if an amazing secret were hidden under your tongue, until the point where you convinced even yourself and scorned the honor of our rabbis of blessed memory.”[12]

Sasportas continues his attack by chiding David Mendes da Silva for no longer attending the classes of his former teacher because he insolently claimed that he no longer had anything to learn from his teacher.[13]

Intriguingly, Goldish points out that the initials of David Mendes da Silva’s teacher are given as ש״א which Professor Yosef Kaplan has suggested might be either Shlomo Oliveira or Shlomo Aailion, both important Amsterdam rabbis in this period. If R. Shlomo Aailion is indeed identified as his teacher this would shed a complexly different light on the discussion as Aailion was well-associated with the secret Sabbattians! This would also explain why R. Sasportas and the Chacham Tzvi - known anti-Sabbatian protagonists - were so concerned with opposing David Mendes da Silva’s mystical innovations.[14]

(Scholem [Sabbatai Sevi: The Mystical Messiah,1973:893] writes that in Amsterdam, Shabbatai Tzvi’s followers

used to meet in the house of their leader, Emanuel Benattar, the hazzan of the Portuguese Synagogue, and seem to have been unmolested by the Jewish authorities, possibly because they had the very pious and very wealthy Abraham Pereyra…)

R. Yitzchak Sasportas responds to da Silva and tells him that:

"[T]his is not the way and this is not the city [for such innovations]”.[15]

DAVID MENDES DA SILVA’S VIEWS GAIN TRACTION:

David Mendes da Silva’s innovative practice gained much traction amongst elements of the wider community and continue to this day.

Goldish makes this point very strongly:

Despite the factitiousness of da Silva's interpretation and the clearcut condemnations of his view, the practice of reading the psalms in order and forgoing the communal Amidah when late for services has persevered and become very widespread.”

And this practice is even popular within the non-Chassidic world as well. According to the Halachic work,  Mishna Berura, published in the late nineteenth century by R. Yisrael Meir haCohen:

"Many righteous men have the practice of praying in order for this reason [fear of damaging the upper and lower worlds] even when they arrive late to synagogue."[16]

והרבה אנשי מעשה נוהגים להתפלל כסדר מטעם זה אפילו אם אחרו לבוא לבהכ"נ

CONCLUSION:

The Zohar and the Ari Zal do speak about the importance of the order of the prayers, but they do not specifically suggest that that order be maintained at the sacrifice of tefilah betzibur or the communal Shmoneh Esrei.

Nevertheless, the vague and loose interpretation of a Zoharic concept by ‘a minor local rabbi’ at best, or possibly an individual with Sabbatian ties at worst, has now - in some circles - become ‘codified’ as law.



[1] HALAKHAH, KABBALAH, AND HERESY: A CONTROVERSY IN EARLY EIGHTEENTH-CENTURY AMSTERDAM by Matt Goldish, Hebrew University of Jerusalem.

[2] She'elot uTeshuvot Chacham Tzvi, #36.

[3] It is most likely that David Mendes da Silva was suspected of being a secret Sabbatian considering the time, place and all the individuals involved in the event. However, Goldish believes the concern was more with the former conversos (who, coincidently, also fell prey more readily to Sabbatin influences). He writes: “The fact that da Silva's practice concerned synagogue activities, and especially the question of communal prayer, also had a special significance in the world of the former conversos. In Amsterdam and the rest of the marrano diaspora outstanding reverence was paid to the synagogue and its rites. The former conversos, who grew up under Catholicism, had become accustomed to a dichotomy whereby religion had minimal impact on daily business activities, but demanded strict honor and discipline inside the place of worship. The Amsterdam Portuguese synagogue and service were the focus of all congregational religious fervor, as we see reflected in the communal rulebooks. Seating in the synagogue was strictly regulated, being carefully ordered according to status and wealth. The honor of being called to the Torah was a matter for more rules, and often a source of disputes. Talking during services and Torah reading was strictly forbidden, as was leaving while the Torah was out of the Ark. One was permitted to sit or stand only at specific stages of the service. Nobody was allowed to raise his voice on the synagogue grounds, and one who struck a fellow Jew there, or even entered with a weapon, was subject to excommunication. These are only a few of the laws meant to preserve the sanctity of the synagogue and the service. This excessive attention given to synagogue ritual, which was not the norm in most Jewish communities, goes far to explain why our case hit a sensitive nerve.

[4]  Zohar (Mantua, 1558-60), p. 120v; Translation by Harry Sperling and Maurice Simon, 2nd ed. (London/New York, 1984), 5:175-176.

[5] See Da Silva's letter at the end of Siyach Yitzchak, p. 5v.

[6] Siyach Yitzchak, p. 4r.

[7] Siyach Yitzxhak, p. 20r.

[8] Parenthesis mine.

[9] Jacob Katz, Post-Zoharic Relations, p. 294-5.

[10] Ibid., p. 286.

[11] Siyach Yitzchak, p. 5r; da Silva's letter, p. 16r-v.

[12] Siyach Yitzchak, p. 37v.

[13] Siyach Yitzchak, p. 41r-v.

[14] Goldish does not go so far as to accuse da Silva of engaging in Sabbatian activity, although he does mention that (his possible teacher) R. Shlomo Aailion was “a Sabbatean throughout his life as far as we can gather from extant sources”. However, Goldish continues: “In our case, it was not suspicion of Sabbateanism in da Silva's practice which raised the hackles of Sasportas and Ashkenazi, but the general atmosphere of discomfort with any unusual interpretation of the Zohar, which was the hallmark of Sabbatean kabbalism.”

[15] Siyach Yitzchak, p. 23v.

[16] Mishna Berura Ch. 52.