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Sunday, 7 December 2025

533) The Seven Laws of Noah: Then and now

 

Jan Jansson's Duo Tituli Thalmudici Sanhedrin et Maccoth (Amsterdam, 1629)

Introduction

This articlebased extensively on the research by Yaacov Amar Rothsteinidentifies two distinct layers in the development of the Seven Laws of Noah, comprising an early rabbinic conception, and a later reinterpretation. In the Talmud and classical rabbinic sources, the Sheva Mitzvot Bnei Noach were not envisioned as a comprehensive universal religion for non‑Jews, but rather as a minimal legal frameworka baseline of obligations incumbent upon humanity with clear consequences for their violation. The difference between these two layers of perception is immense. The modern idea of a Noahide religion, presented as the original biblical faith intended for all non‑Jews, does not originate in rabbinic tradition. Surprisingly, it first emerged within Medieval Christian polemics and Early Modern[1] European thought. It was only as recently as about one hundred and fifty years ago that this universalist reading was taken up within Jewish discourse, most notably by R. Elia Benamozegh (d.1900), and later expanded upon by contemporary figures such as the Lubavitcher Rebbe and R. Adin Steinsaltz. [See: Kotzk Blog: 523) Radical rabbinic models of universalism and Kotzk Blog: 522) Italian letters: The battle over the Zohar]. 

Sheva Mitzvot Bnei Noach (Seven Laws of the Sons of Noah)

The seven Noachide commandments are not listed explicitly in the Torah; rather, Talmudic tradition derives them from various biblical verses. They consist of one positive commandment and six prohibitions: 

תָּנוּ רַבָּנַן: שֶׁבַע מִצְוֹת נִצְטַוּוּ בְּנֵי נֹחַ – דִּינִין, וּבִרְכַּת הַשֵּׁם, עֲבוֹדָה זָרָה, גִּילּוּי עֲרָיוֹת, וּשְׁפִיכוּת דָּמִים, וְגָזֵל, וְאֵבֶר מִן הַחַי

“The descendants of Noah, i.e., all of humanity, were commanded to observe seven mitzvot: The mitzva of establishing courts of justice; and the prohibition against cursing the name of God; and the prohibition of idol worship; and the prohibition against forbidden sexual relations; and the prohibition of bloodshed; and the prohibition of robbery; and the prohibition against eating a limb from a living animal” (b. Sanhedrin 56a–57a). 

Over time, Halachic authorities expanded the Seven Laws into a framework of nearly fifty distinct obligations and prohibitions. Crucially, though, these Seven Laws were not framed by the Talmudic rabbis as a basis for a universal religion for non‑Jews. Instead, they were conceptualised as a universal ethical and moral code which was legally binding. They were understood as a baseline for universal morality and justice, but they were never framed as a religion or spiritual system with rituals, theology, or communal identity for non‑Jews. It was notas often describedan alternative biblical religion for non-Jews. Only a thousand years after the early Talmudic period, starting with Raymond Martini in the thirteenth century, some Christians began to reframe the Seven Noachide Laws as a universal religion for non‑Jewsspecifically for Christians: 

1) Raymond Martini (d. c. 1285)

The Dominican friar Raymond Martini (also known as Ramon Marti) was among eight friars appointed by the Dominican Order to engage Jews and Muslims in polemical debate and missionary work, with the aim of persuading them to convert to Christianity. Martini authored two works refuting both Judaism and the Koran. He also claimed that Jesus was originally acknowledged by the rabbis of the Talmud as the Messiah. 

Operating from Catalonia, Martini became the most prominent of this group, producing works such as the Pugio Fidei (Dagger of Faith), which drew extensively on rabbinic sources to argue for the truth of Christianity and laid the groundwork for later Christian use of Jewish texts in theological controversy. In 1264, he was commissioned by the Bishop of Barcelona and by order of the king to examine Jewish classical texts and expunge sections that were disapproved by the Church. This marked the beginning of the notorious Dominican censorship of the Talmud in Spain. Martini argued favourably that the Talmud should only be censored, but not burned and obliterated entirely. 

Martini introduces the notion of Noacidarum, one of the earliest Latin appearances of the term Bnei Noach (Sons of Noah), in one of his many rabbinic translations, this time from Sefer haIkkarim: 

“Etenim qvùm beneficio legis Noacidarum homines gradum qvendam asseqverentur futuri seculi, juxta illud Talmudicum: Pii gentiles participes sunt futuri seculi: id est, Ii, qvi servant septem præcepta Noacidarum, participes sunt futuri seculi” (Martini, Pugio fidei adversus Mauros et Judaeos, 1687:89). 

“Given that through the law of the sons of Noah, men attained a certain degree of the future world, according to that Talmudic teaching: ‘Pious gentiles are participants in the future world’; that is, those who observe the seven precepts of the sons of Noah are participants in the future world” (Sefer haIkkarim, Book 1, chap. 23, translation by Rothstein 2025:2). 

Martini employed the term ‘Noacidarum’ to describe non‑Jews bound by the Seven Laws of Noah and argued that Judaism itself recognised a universal moral code for Gentiles. He used his concept ‘Noacidarum’ to show that Christianity was now the fulfilment of this universal law. Significantly from a historical perspective, Martini was the first to bring the rabbinic idea of Bnei Noach into Christian intellectual discourse. He detached the Seven Laws from their rabbinic context and reframed them as evidence of Christianity’s universality. He argued that Jesus had abrogated the complex web of rabbinic law, and in Martini’s polemical vision, Christianity was to be the new universal faith. The notion of reducing religion to a set of basic moral laws—echoing the rabbinic concept of the Seven Laws of the Sons of Noah—would have served his purposes well. Martini’s argument was not only theological but strategic: by contrasting rabbinic complexity with Christian simplicity, he sought to present Christianity as the true religion for all nations. This set the stage for the later conceptual innovation of a ‘Noahide religion,’ which was not rabbinic but Christian, and a product of Christian and European thought. Martini’s innovation was then consolidated further in the seventeenth century by Jan Jansson: 

2) Jan Jansson (1603–1669)

Jan Jansson (also known as Johannes Coccejus) was deeply engaged with translating rabbinic and Talmudic texts into Latin. His Duo Tituli Thalmudici Sanhedrin et Maccoth (Amsterdam, 1629) presented Talmudic text alongside Latin translation and commentary. He is the next in line to refer to the Seven Laws as they evolved from the original rabbinic model of a universal moral code, to becoming a formal religion for non‑Jews as perceived within the prevailing Christian learned society. 

Jan Jansson translated a section from the Talmud that refers to the Seven Laws of the Sons of Noah and (following Martini) also refers to them as ‘Noachidarum’: 

“Decem præcepta injuncta sunt filiis Israel [Children of Israel] in Marah. Præter enim septem Noachidarum [Sons of Noah] acceperunt præceptum de judiciis, sabbato, honorandis parentibus, &t” (Jansson, Duo tituli Thalmudici Sanhedrin et Maccoth, 1629:268-9).  

Jansson develops the term Noachidarum to include other similar formulations like Noachidis or Noachidæ, which is a step closer to the common usage of the word Noahide as used today. Importantlyas demonstrated so farnone of these progressions and developments of the notion on a universal Noahide religion had anything to do with Jews or Judaism. 

The next stage in the process involved the work of John Selden, who first used the actual expression ‘Noahide’ and contributed to this concept receiving widespread attention among Western thinkers: 

3) John Selden (1584-1654)

John Selden was an English orientalist, jurist and polymath (multi-disciplined). He was interested in the idea of natural law, international law and universal law. The English poet, John Milton, described Selten’s fascination with all things universal in his comment on Selten’s book De jure naturali et gentium juxta disciplinam Ebraeorum (On natural law and the law of nations according to the teaching of the Hebrews): 

“[This] volume of naturall & national laws proves, not only by great authorities brought together, but by exquisite reasons and theorems almost mathematically demonstrative, that all opinions, yea errors, known, read, and collated, are of main service & assistance toward the speedy attainment of what is truest." 

This volume develops a theory of international law and a universal moral code which is squarely based and founded on the Seven Laws of Noah. In a sense, Selden departed from the more Christo-centric views of Raymond Martini and focuses more universalism of humanity than on Christian universalism in particular. Selden’s use of the principles of Noahide laws also represented a departure from the reliance on the Ten Commandments, which until then was the primary expression of universal law within Christianity. Abraham Berkowitz notes that Selden formulated international laws concerning the high seas, based on his reading of rabbinic texts. There was a dispute between English and Dutch merchants over open-sea shipping rights. The Dutch argued for a ‘free sea,’ while the English advocated a ‘closed sea’: 

“Selden attempted to isolate elements of biblical law explicated in the Talmud and expounded upon by the earliest post-Amoraic scholars, in order to apply such Rabbinic jurisprudential concepts to the emerging international law of the high seas” (Berkowitz 1994:28). 

According to Fania Oz-Salzberger: 

“Selden responded with Mare Clausum (‘A Closed Sea,’ 1635), in which he showed that in the Bible and the Talmud’s precise boundaries were drawn both around the land of Israel and between the segments allotted to each tribe, thus establishing the principle of boundaries as a binding legal fiction” (Oz-Salzberger 2002). 

And in general, John Selden believed that: 

“civilized relations among nations require adherence to the law of nations which he derives from these seven prohibitions and commandments” (Berkowitz 1994:32). 

In his writings, Selden constantly refers to “Noachides, and their seven precepts as the historical and revealed basis of all natural law” (Rothstein 2025:4). By the eighteenth century, the term Noachide, and the concepts it represented, had become part of the parlance and everyday speech, and by the nineteenth century, it was well entrenched within the intellectual discourse. 

Amazingly, it is likely “that John Selden never met a Jew in his lifetime” (Oz-Saltzberger 2002). Jews were expelled from England by King Edward I in 1290, and they couldn't officially return for over 360 years, with resettlement beginning under Oliver Cromwell in the 1650s. 

4) Pierre Jurieu (1637-1713)

In 1704, the French Protestant leader and ordained Anglican priest, Pierre Jurieu, extensively references Noachides and “devotes several sections to the analysis of the Noahides” (Rothstein 2025:5). He even refers to the ‘religion of the Noahides’ or ‘la Religion des Noachides,’ indicating the stature commanded by the developing concept of Noachides. He preached that Noahide laws were the basis of a universal religion incumbent upon all humanity, and certainly should inform civil governance in Christian states. He even promoted a certain political theology that wanted to limit the power of the state and elevate the power of the Seven Laws. 

Jurieu believed that these universal laws were given by G-d to the nations of the worldas opposed to the specific commandments given to the Jews. These Seven Laws were essential for the religious life of non-Jews. 

Again, none of the protagonists, so far, who developed this idea (which is today preached by Jews as a Torah concept) were even Jewish. This all changed with R. Elia Benamozeghas recently as the end of the nineteenth centurywhen the concept of Bnei Noach suddenly took on a hitherto neglected role in Jewish thought. 

R. Elia Benamozegh (1823-1900)

R. Elia Benamozeghthe Italian Sephardic Orthodox Chief Rabbi of Livorno and renowned Jewish Kabbalistbrought the notion of a universal religion of Noachides into the Jewish camp for the first time. Benamozegh had read and was influenced by the writings of Pierre Jurieu, whom he quotes frequently in his writings and commentary on the Torah. 

“It is in this linguistic and conceptual context that Rabbi Benamozegh wrote his work Israël et l’Humanité, published posthumously by his Noahide disciple Aimé Pallière in 1914. In this book, Rabbi Benamozegh posits that Judaism, through its mission to spread monotheism, contains the elements necessary to unify all humanity under a universal faith. In Israël et l’Humanité, this "universal religion" is called Noachism” (Rothstein 2025:6). 

Once this concept had been firmly implanted within Jewish discourse by R. Benamozegh, the notion of an original universal biblical religion for non-Jews became a ‘core’ Jewish belief as if it had always existed: 

“The modern connotation of the concept ‘Noahide’ is developed from Rabbi Benamozegh's orthodox approach. It can be seen that the term has a relatively recent origin compared to the ancient origin of the concept it represents. Although the Seven Noahide Laws are of great antiquity and fundamental to Jewish tradition, the word itself only became established in the West in the 17th century, thanks to its adoption in European academic literature. Since then, this term has become a recognized category to describe non-Jews who follow the universal ethical code of Judaism” (Rothstein 2025:6). 

Benamozegh’s magnum opus—titled Israel and Humanity—emphasised a universalist theology rooted in Jewish mysticism, which he believed could bring all peoples together. He used the Zoharic notion of the synthesis of unity and diversity, and applied it to the different religions. He emphasised Noachide ethics (the universal Seven Laws of Noah) as a foundation for his vision of a universal form of religion. In his view, Judaism did not have to remain a closed and select theological system, but a hierarchical beacon to all nations. He showed how some aspects of Christianity could be reconciled with Zoharic mysticism. Benamozegh’s work did not go unnoticed in the non-Jewish world, and just decades after his passing in 1900, his influences were positively seen in the Second Vatican Council’s more open stance toward Judaism with its “Nostra Aetate” declaration of 1965 (Seidler 2018:242-263).  

R. Adin Steinsaltz (1937-2020)

As might be expected, Benamozegh’s universalist outlook has occasionally led some to question the depth of his orthodoxy. Yet R. Adin Steinsaltz offers a firm corrective, reminding us:  

“Benamozegh was after all chief rabbi of Venice and in every respect Orthodox” (Steinsaltz 2005:47).  

R. Adin Steinsaltz developed an elaborate system of universalism based largely on R. Benamozegh, and even writes: 

“[B]y the standards of the Noahide laws, the doctrine of the Trinity is not an idolatrous belief to which Judaism can express an objection” (Steinsaltz 2005:45). 

Stainsaltz is able to develop such ideas because “the essential point of the Noahide laws is that the standards of Jewish law do not apply to non-Jews…” (Steinsaltz 2005:44). 

For our purposes, it is interesting to see how even R. Steinsaltz reverts constantly to the Noahide principle as if it were an age-old default setting within Jewish theology. In this sense, he refers to the “Noahide model” and “Noahide approach” (Steinsaltz 20056:47) as if drawing on a Talmudic tradition, even though the Talmud would have understood the Seven Laws as a simple baseline of morality and law for non-Jews, not a religious path. It was primarily a legal category: defining who was liable to punishment and who could be considered morally upright. However, the ‘religious path model,’ as we have seen, was developed over centuries and completely within a non-Jewish milieu and had only been recently adopted by Judaism through R. Elia Benamozegh. Now it is promoted as a positive religious identity for Gentiles, and presented as the original God-given religion intended for the nations of the world to follow. 

The Lubavitcher Rebbe (1902-1994)

The Lubavitcher Rebbe taught that Jews have a responsibility to actively encourage non-Jews to observe the Seven Noahide Laws, as part of their mission to make the world a “dwelling place for G-d.” In his 1983 birthday address, he urged Jews to spread awareness of the Noahide laws to non-Jews and even suggested that governments recognise them as ethical foundations. The U.S. Congress, in 1991, referenced the Noahide laws in a resolution honouring the Rebbe, recognising them as “the bedrock of society.” The Rebbe linked the Noahide laws to the ‘Book of the Covenant,’ showing that they predate Sinai, apply universally, and are ‘covenantal.’ 

Conclusion

Classical rabbinic texts treated the Noahide laws as a bare legal minimum—rules that kept non-Jews within the bounds of morality but far from the ‘covenantal’ holiness of Israel. The ancient rabbinic view was that the Seven Laws were basic legal obligations incumbent upon all peoples of the world, and infringement thereof could theoretically result in punishment. The modern rabbinic reinterpretation is that they are the basis of a universal religion for non-Jews. Today, the Noahide laws are often celebrated as a universal ethic, a way for non‑Jews to live under divine law without conversion to Judaism. 

What was once a marginal Halachic category has become conceptualised, in modern thought, as a new and major form of religion for non-Jews, endorsed and promoted by many leading rabbis. The classical rabbinic texts, however, did not adopt such a broad approach. The irony is that the pioneers and developers of these conceptseven the very term ‘Noahidewere not rabbis, but Christian theologians and European intellectuals. 

The seventeenth‑century John Selden, as mentioned, coined the term ‘Noahide,’ yet modern English translations of Maimonides twelfth‑century Mishneh Torah—such as the Moznaim edition[2]—anachronistically employ the term ‘Noachide.’ In Maimonides’ own era, however, neither he nor his contemporaries would have recognised the word ‘Noahide,’ nor anyone else for that matter, over the next five centuries. This illustrates how easily we overlook the fact that terminology and ideas evolve over time, and how smoothly later categories can be retrojected into earlier texts, as if they were always there.

 

Bibliography

Berkowitz, A., 1994, ‘John Selden and the biblical origins of the modern international political system’, Jewish Political Studies Review, vol. 6, no. 1-2, 27-47.

Martini, R., 1687, Pugio fidei adversus Mauros et Judaeos, Edited by J. de Voisin & J. B. Carpzov, Sumptibus haeredum Friderici Lanckisi, typis viduae Johannis Wittegau.

Rothstein, Y.A., 2025, ‘Historical Origin and Development of the Term “Noahide”’, Filosofía Judía, 1-8.

Seidler, M., 2018, ‘Eliah Benamozegh, Franz Rosenzweig and Their Blueprint of a Jewish Theology of Christianity’, Harvard Theological Review, vol. 111, issue 2, 242 – 263.

Steinsaltz, A., 2005, ‘Peace without conciliation: The Irrelevance of “Toleration” in Judaism’, Common Knowledge, vol. 11, no., 1.

Oz-Salzberger, F., 2002, The Roots of Western Freedom’, Azureonline, no 13, Shalem Press.



[1] The Early Modern Period is generally described as the period between 1500 to around 1800.

[2] See: https://www.sefaria.org/Mishneh_Torah%2C_Kings_and_Wars.9.12?lang=en

Sunday, 30 November 2025

532) Dialogues of vision: How we view Maimonides and how he might view us (Part II)

 

Secrets of the Guide by Dr Micha Goodman

How Maimonides might view us

Introduction

Part I examined the reception of Maimonidean thought in rabbinic Judaism. Part II now turns the focus on its head and examines, theoretically, how Maimonides might view contemporary Judaism as we know it. 

We begin with an overview of the essence of Moreh Nevuchim (Guide for the Perplexed) in an attempt to understand what it means by ‘secrets.’ 

‘Secrets’

There are two bodies of knowledge that Maimonides describes as Maaseh Bereishit and Maaseh Merkavah, which together form the Pardes (Orchard of esoteric wisdom) into which the four sages entered (b. Chagiga 14b). This knowledge (yeda), he maintains, once existed among the prophets and sages until a tragedy occurred, and that knowledge was lost. Maimonides understands a real prophet asnot someone who experiences visionsbut rather as a composite of perfected intellect, ethics and ability to imagine (Goodman 2015:39). Maimonides believed that the greatest loss to Judaism was not the destruction of the Temple or its rituals, but the loss of knowledge. Maimonides (Introduction to Moreh Nevuchim, section 3) writes that he managed to re-establish the hidden secret that our Masoret (Tradition) had lost. He did this, not through revelation or prophecy but through the capacity of the mind. 

Sunday, 23 November 2025

531) Dialogues of Vision: How we view Maimonides and how he might view us (Part I)

R. Yihye Kafich (1850-1931), leader of the rationalist Yemenite group Dardaim.

Introduction

This two-part series series—based extensively on the research by Professor Marc B. Shapiro and Dr Micha Goodman—engages in a dialogue of vision: Part I examines how we view Maimonides and the reception of Maimonidean thought in rabbinic Judaism, particularly over the past two and a half centuries. Although arguably the greatest Jewish thinker, the rabbinic world has always had an ambivalent relationship with Maimonides, beginning with centuries of opposition—known as the Maimonidean Controversies—to a partial acceptance of selected writings of Maimonides only in relatively recent times. Part II turns the focus on its head and examines, theoretically, how Maimonides might view contemporary Judaism as we know it. 

How we view Maimonides

Enlightenment

Shapiro(2023:168) explains that over the last two and a half centuries, rabbinic interest has been resurgent in Maimonides, ironically as a result of the rise of the Enlightenment movement in late eighteenth-century Germany. Faced with increasing engagement with Maimonides’ philosophical writings by the maskilim (secular members of the Enlightenment), the rabbis formulated different responses to a renewed problem that—although always there—had lain dormant for so long. 

Sunday, 16 November 2025

530) Early textual layering in Zohar and Bahir as clues to their dating

Sefer haZohar, Cremona Edition (1559-1560)

 Introduction

This articlebased extensively on the work by Professor Ronit Meroz—examines new evidence suggesting that the Zohar and Sefer haBahir may have originated in the Middle East, challenging the prevailing Spanish and Provencal origin theories. Sidestepping the controversies over who wrote the Zohar, it is historically evident that the text first appeared in material form around 1290 in Spain. This emergence led the majority of scholars to conclude that the Zohar was a creation of Spanish Kabbalists. Meroz's research, however, shifts the cultural milieu for the origins of this emerging Kabbalah, from Spanish and French Christian lands to Middle Eastern Muslim lands.

Gershom Scholem: Single authorship by Moshe de León in Spain

In the 1940s, Gershom Scholem ascribed the role of sole authorship of the Zohar to Moshe de León, based on similarities in Moshe de León’s writing style when compared to his other known books. This view remained the dominant scholarship for half a century. 

Sunday, 9 November 2025

529) Avraham Ibn Daud: Maimonides’ unspoken mentor?

14th century copy of Avraham Ibn Daud's Sefer haKabbalah
Introduction

Is it possible that Maimonides (1138-1204) had an unspoken mentor who has been largely overlooked by history? This ‘mentor’ may have been the twelfth-century philosopher, translator, and historian Avraham Ibn Daud (c. 1110–1180). “[H]istory has been rather unkind” (Fontaine 2023:1) to Avraham Ibn Daud. Yet, it seems that Maimonides was not the first to engage with Arabic Aristotelian rationalists, because just decades before,  Avraham Ibn Daud emerged as the pioneering rabbinic thinker who made: 

“the first attempt to integrate the teachings of the Muslim Aristotelians into a Jewish philosophic theology” (Fontaine 2007-8:23). 

It must be noted that Avraham Ibn Daud passed away when Maimonides was about twenty-five years old, yet Maimonides is often (perhaps unfairly) credited as the first to have achieved this theological synthesis that changed the face of Judaism. 

Sunday, 2 November 2025

528) Rationalism, Mysticism and Binitarianism

Introduction

It’s commonly assumed that Jewish belief in G-d has remained consistent throughout history. In truth, Jewish perceptions of the Divine have been strikingly diverse, shaped and reshaped across centuries, cultures, and theological currents. 

Many are familiar with the contrast between Maimonidean philosophical rationalism—rooted in Aristotelian thought—and the mystical worldview of Kabbalah which some maintain is rooted in Neoplatonic thought.[1] Yet there is a third, often overlooked theological strand with ancient roots: Jewish binitarianism. Emerging as early as Second Temple times, this approach suggests a dual structure within the Divine, typically involving a transcendent G-d and a mediating figure. Any serious discussion of Jewish theology must move beyond the binary of rationalism and mysticism to include this third, lesser-known but historically significant option. This discussion explores the theological tensions of the thirteenth century surrounding the nature and definition of G-d. 

Saturday, 25 October 2025

527) Neoplatonic echoes in Chassidic Mysticism

 

Raphael's fresco, School of Athens, painted around 1509.

Introduction

This article explores the intellectual legacy of Abu Ya'qub Isḥāq ibn Sulaymān al-Israeli—also known as Yitzchak ben Shlomo haYisraeli (c.855–c.955)—a pioneering yet largely overlooked figure in early Medieval Jewish philosophy. Through a counterintuitive comparison between Yitzchak haYisraeli’s tenth-century philosophical writings and contemporary Chassidic thought rooted in Kabbalah, the study reveals an unexpected conceptual convergence between the two thought systems. 

Sunday, 12 October 2025

526) Are There Controls and Limits to the Creativity of Minhagim?


This post, by Boruch Clinton, originally appeared on the B'chol D'rachecha site.

If we (theoretically) removed all innovations to the modern siddur which were added in the past 500 years, we’d probably spend considerably less time in shul. And from a halachic perspective, that’s a problem. So let’s talk about the prohibition of delaying a congregation (טרחא דציבורא).

We’ll begin with the Gemara (Berachos 12b):

בקשו לקבוע פרשת בלק בקריאת שמע ומפני מה לא קבעוה מפני טורח ציבור

The rabbis sought to include Parashas Balak in the recital of the Shema. Why did they not include it? Because it would delay congregations

It seems there was a compelling reason to add (at least) one more paragraph to the Shema, but it was ruled inappropriate solely due to the fact that countless Jews through countless centuries would be forced to spend more time davening. (Although we see from the subsequent Gemara that, had it been possible to add just the words “כרע שכב כארי וכלביא מי יקימנו" the minimal time delay would not have been a problem.)

Sunday, 14 September 2025

525) Tashlich, water and 'bribing' demons

Introduction

Although the Jewish world after Maimonides (1138–1205) gradually embraced a mystical ethos—particularly following the publication of the Zohar some eighty years after his death—his followers remained wary of the burgeoning mystical practices that took root within Judaism, often approaching them with scepticism, if not outright rejection. Drawing on rationalist principles and a commitment to biblical authenticity, Maimonides challenged many mystical rituals, which he saw as later additions rooted in superstition or non-Jewish origins. His opposition reflects a broader philosophical stance: that religious expression should be grounded in reason, ethical clarity, and Torah-based tradition. This articlebased extensively on the research by Rabbi Dr Israel Drazin[1]examines the Tashlich ceremony and attempts to understand Tashlich within the broader context of medieval Jewish thought and its Maimonidean/rationalist reinterpretation. 

Sunday, 31 August 2025

524) Editing Jewish texts: Between reverence and revision

 

Shem haGedolim by R. Chaim David Azulai, known as the Chida (1724-1806).

Introduction

This articlebased extensively on the research by Dr Oded Cohen[1]examines the challenges facing editors of religious Jewish texts. It deals with two very different editors and separated by six hundred years, yet who faced similar tasks and scrutiny. 

The first editor is the Maskil of the Enlightenment movement, Isaac Benjacob (1801-1863), who edited the Shem haGedolim of the R. Chaim David Azulai, known as the Chida (1724-1806). 

The second is Maimonides, who—though not an editor of the Babylonian Talmud in the conventional sense—systematically distilled its legal rulings into his Mishneh Torah, the ground-breaking code that stripped away dialectical debate in favour of a clear, authoritative Halachic structure. 

Sunday, 24 August 2025

523) Radical rabbinic models of universalism

Rabbi Adin Steinsaltz 1937-2020

Introduction

This article traces the thought of four rabbinic figures—spanning from the sixteenth century to the modern writings of R. Adin Steinsaltz—who identify and exemplify a strikingly universalist approach within Jewish tradition. It highlights how these thinkers engaged with non-Jewish doctrines, religions, and ideologies not with hostility or indifference, but with a rare openness that challenges conventional boundaries of theological discourse. 

1) R. Natan Nata Shapira (1585-1633)

R. Natan Shapira of Kraków, also known as the Megaleh Amukot (Revealer of Secrets), was a student of Lurianic Kabbalah from the school of R. Yisrael Sarug and was responsible for the dissemination of the teaching of the Ari Zal.  He saw the need to extract good from the non-Jewish world as a necessary precursor to the messianic age. 

“[R. Natan Nata Shapira] clarified the mission of Judaism, in light of kabbalistic historiography, as one that aims to gather up the holy sparks scattered among gentiles in order to bring redemption nearer” (Rachel Elior in Yivo Encyclopedia). 

Sunday, 17 August 2025

522) Italian letters: The battle over the Zohar

An 1847 letter by Shmuel David Luzatto, to the scholar Meir Halevi Letteris.

Introduction

This articlebased extensively on the research by Daniel A. Klein[1]examines the little-known polemic over Kabbalah between two great Italian rabbis of the nineteenth century. These rabbis were R. Shmuel David Luzzatto (known as Shadal, 1800-1865), a great-grandnephew of the famed R. Moshe Chaim Luzzatto (Ramchal), and R. Elia Benamozegh (1823-1900), the rabbi of Livorno (Leghorn). The two collided in written correspondence—not over Halachah, but over the soul of Judaism itself. Both were outspoken defenders of traditional Judaism, yet each understood its essence in profoundly different ways. 

Shadal emphasised the practical, ethical and rational core of Judaism, rejecting mystical elements like Kabbalah and particularly the Zohar. His approach was more material than ethereal in the sense of being grounded in practical, historical, linguistic, and moral realism. Benamozegh, on the other hand, was a mystic, a Kabbalist, a man who believed the Zohar was not only authentic, but essential. To this day, the Piazza Benamozegh in Livorno, Tuscany, continues to bear his name—a quiet but enduring tribute to the legacy of a man whose ideas once stirred fierce debate within Italian Jewry. 

Sunday, 10 August 2025

521) Confronting or Escaping? -Beyond the "Back of the Wagon of the Baal Shem Tov"

 

[Back of the Wagon | Matisyahu | Afiko.man | Alex Clare | TYH Nation - YouTube].

Introduction

This articlebased extensively on the research by Dr Leore Sachs-Shmueli[1]challenges the common assertion that the Baal Shem Tov’s innovative path was primarily one of experiential and joyful spiritual surrender. Instead, it reveals a far more complex and unnerving spiritual trajectory: one that first plunges deliberately into raw fear, negativity, and darkness in order to extract sparks of holiness from the husks of evil. Only then can the state of ecstatic joy be authentically reached. 

One of the most beautiful and catchy hit songs in contemporary Jewish music must be the “Back of the Wagon of the Baal Shem Tov. It is symbolic of radical trust and letting go, no matter where the storm takes you, as long as you’re in the back of the wagon of the Baal Shem Tov. Here, one rides with spiritual abandon, music, and a bottle of wine, into the Infinite Light: 

“Where we headed? It doesn’t matter as long as I’m in the back of the wagon with the Besht (Baal Shem Tov)” (Opening lyrics of the song). 

Sunday, 27 July 2025

520) 'Creating' sacred sites: Who is buried there, and does it matter?

Alleged tomb of Rav Ashi, on the Israel Lebanon border
Introduction

This articlebased extensively on the research by Professors Shai Sekunda and Isaac Hershkowitz—examines the historical accuracy of some popular gravesites attributed to biblical figures and great rabbis. Many thousands of fervent worshippers flock to these sites, and the question is: Are the righteous Tzadikim who are claimed to be buried there really buried there, and if not, does it matter? We shall discuss a number of these purported burial sites, including those of Rav Ashi on Mount Shinan, R. Shimon bar Yochai in Meron and the biblical Binyamin in Jerusalem. 

Sunday, 20 July 2025

519) When rabbis dared to challenge the Divine: The case of Midrash Tehillim

Midrash Shocher Tov, the first section of Midrash Tehillim (on Psalms 1-118)  produced between the third and eight centuries in Palestine.
 
Introduction

This articlebased extensively on the research by Professor Dov Weiss[1] examines the rise and decline of rabbinic protest theology. It looks at the audacious attempts by some Mishnaic rabbis to defy a general ethos of protest prohibition, particularly upheld by the schools of R. Akiva and R. Elazar. By tracing the gradual evolution of rabbinic protest theology through the Talmudic period to its peak in post-Talmudic times, Weiss maps a distinct theological arc that eventually waned and merged into modern times as a subdued tradition.

Sunday, 13 July 2025

518) Messianic Immunity—The Perfect Storm: The case of R. Avraham Baruch haRofeh

Responsa by R. Chaim Benveniste, 1743

Introduction

This articlebased extensively on the research by Professor Abraham Ofir Shemesh[1]examines an extreme case of messianic immunity. In the sixteenth century, a medical doctor, R. Avraham Baruch haRofeh, under the influence of the Sabbatian messianic movement of Shabbatai Tzvi, felt he could administer harmful drugs to non-Jews in order to kill them. Because he believed he was living in the stirrings of the messianic era, he also believed he could do so with impunityif not hasten the full awakening of the messianic age as he saw it unfolding before his very eyes. 

While R. Avraham Baruch may have been an extreme case, unfortunately, due to the vicissitudes of a long and oppressive Jewish history, he did have some textual precedent to draw upon. We shall look at some of that precedent, but also show how many of the later rabbis contextualised those earlier rulings and declared that they were no longer applicable. 

Sunday, 6 July 2025

517) A historical context to Midrashim

 


Introduction

This articlebased extensively on the research by Professor Gary Porton[1] investigates the historical conditions that may have fostered the complex and often elusive evolution of Midrash. Midrashim are the creative and often fanciful interpretations of the biblical text that dramatically expand its plain meaning. While some adopt a literal approach to the interpretation of Midrashim, others opt for an allegorical methodology. Based on a reading of Talmudic texts, Porton suggests a more diachronic or historical approach based on how and where Midrashim were first taught. 

Fascinatingly, he discovers that Midrashim may never have been intended for communal consumption. They were not, as many have claimed, produced for sermons to entertain those in the synagogues. Instead, he hypothesises, they were part of an internal rabbinic tradition that was rarely expounded in the public domain. This research could significantly contribute to the way we read and understand Midrashim. 

Sunday, 29 June 2025

516) When Midrash is too much for the Midrash

One of the six known manuscript versions of the Tosafist work Hadar Zekeinim. This one dates around the 15th century.

Introduction 

This articlebased extensively on the research by Rabbi Dr Zvi Ron[1]—examines various Midrashim that have been rejected by an unofficial form of collective rabbinic consensus. These include Midrashim from lesser known sources as well as, surprisingly, those from classical Midrashic sources such as Mechilta, Sifra, Sifri, Midrash Raba and Midrash Tanchuma. 

Midrashic ‘status’ 

Not all Midrashim are cut from the same cloth and there appears to be a hierarchy of Midrashic sources. Rav Hai Gaon (939-1038), for example, suggests that those Midrashim that made it into the corpus of the Talmud, are of a superior quality to those that remained in the anthologies of Midrashic works alone. He maintains that the Midrashim not found in the Talmud can be rejected if they do not seem plausible: 

Sunday, 22 June 2025

515) Missing in Manuscript: The additional biblical verses added to the Mishna

Tosefet Yom Tov (later  Tosefot Yom Tov) Mishna commentary by R. Yom Tov Lipmann Heller, Prague, 1614-1617. 
 
Introduction

This articlebased extensively on the research by Professor Jason Kalman[1]examines the question of biblical verses, cited as proof texts, that added to our versions of the Mishna. Based on comparisons between our Mishna texts and their earlier manuscripts and printings, in almost twenty per cent of the cases, these scriptural citations are missing in the earlier and more original versions. This means that one out of five biblical verses, acting to compliment or support a contemporary Mishna text, is a later insertion. 

Until recently, not much research had been conducted on the relative absence of biblical citations found in a vast array of manuscripts and early printings of the Mishnah, in comparison with our contemporary version of the Mishna where these extra verses are to be found. 

Sunday, 15 June 2025

514) Kabbalah: From Obscurity to the Defining Essence of Judaism

First printing of the Zohar, Cremona 1558.
Introduction

This articlebased extensively on the research by Professor David Malkiel[1]—explores the thirteenth-century rise of Kabbalah in Spain and its subsequent peaking in sixteenth-century Safed. Since the Safed period, Kabbalah has come to be widely regarded as embodying the very essence and greatest depths of Judaism in the popular imagination. How did this transformation take place? Some would suggest that this is a natural progression towards messianic times. But any study of Jewish messianism shows that we have always believed we've been living in imminent messianic times. There may be additional ways of tracking the development of Kabbalah.

Malkiel introduces an unusual history of the rise of Kabbalah from a cultural perspective connecting it to the Rennaissance and the emerging preoccupation with ‘realism,’ which (ironically for a study on mysticism) avoids fantasy and idealism in favour of concrete reality. 

Sunday, 8 June 2025

513) Secret Mystical and Chassidic societies

The Pledge of Allegiance between the students of the Ari zal (as found in the Stolin Geniza)

Introduction

This article—based extensively on the research by Rabbi Dr Zvi Leshem[1]—examines several secret mystical societies from biblical times to pre-war Europe, with a particular focus on the secretive group established by R. Kalonymus Kalmish (Kalman) Shapira of Piasecnzo (Piasetzna) (1889-1943). 

Secret mystical circles and societies are not well-known in Judaism, but they have always existed. 

Biblical times

The Torah describes the Benei haNevi’im (Sons of the Prophets) who were groups of disciples of prophets like Samuel, Eliyahu and Elisha (see 2 Kings 2:3, 4:1, 6:1 for example). These groups, while not necessarily secretive, played a significant role in preserving prophetic traditions and maintaining spiritual teachings during times of idolatry and apostasy. They used mystical techniques including meditation and even music to train in prophetic inspiration (Leshem 2021:112).